The wonders of the
post industrial age were the real cause for the erosion of
freedom and privacy. The creation of new weapons of terrible
proportions created a nuclear medusa complex; all who
looked upon the bomb were turned to stone by their fear.
The growth of the "soft" social sciences made possible an
invisible totalitarianism. These "humanist" sciences became
new tools for studying and labeling individual behavior.
They came to be applied to create boundaries of conformity.
Further, the desire for conformity created the need for
the surveillance of individual behavior.
The growth of government and the creation of large industry
inevitably gave birth to bureaucracy. Bureaucracy
with the aid and encouragement of the educational establishment
created files, and cryptocracy created super secret
psychological files. With advancements in electronic technology—
increasingly sophisticated microphones, transmitters,
and surveillance devices—the erosion of privacy becomes
a mudslide.
Although the most often invoked justification for secrecy
is to keep technology from falling into enemy hands, history
has shown that secrecy is, at best, only a delay to
public access. Since modern technologies have been developed
from a pool of common scientific knowledge, they
cannot be kept secret for long. Eventually, all the fruits of
the empirical pool slip from specific control and find their
way into general use as independent discoveries take place.
Mind control, as it exists today, will certainly become
available within twenty years to anyone who desires it and
can afford it.
Equally to blame with the cryptocracy for the development
of mind control are the psycho-sciences. Here are educated
men and women who have spent many hours in
study, preparing (supposedly) for years of service to their
fellow men. They have high standing in the society and are
well paid. They are the priests of a new religion.

Dr. Lawrence Pinneo at the Stanford Research Institute
also discouraged the idea of a conspiracy to create a
"psycho-civilized," mind-controlled society. When asked if
there weren't a real and present danger of government
control of the thoughts of citizens posed by brain-computer
technology, Pinneo told a San Francisco reporter, "Anything
is possible. But government could lock us all up today,
so this sort of thing doesn't really change that possibility.
It is really up to us to be vigilant against misuse."7
Typically, the scientists have not been vigilant enough,
for the cryptocracy already has developed remote-controlled
men who can be used for political assassination
and other dangerous work, as is the cyborg in the "Six Million
Dollar Man"—but for less noble purposes. Cyborgs—
altered and controlled humans—are far less expensive
than fully mechanical robots. Due to the high cost of technology
men are cheaper than machines, and much more
expendable. can be made to perform acts that he will have no memory
of ever having carried out. In a manipulated kind of kamikaze
operation where the life of the 'sleeper' is dispensable,
RHIC processing makes him particularly valuable because
if he is detected and caught before he performs the act
specified . . . nothing he says will implicate the group or
government which processed and controlled him."1
Mr. Lawrence used as evidence the official Russian records
that Oswald had been admitted to the hospital in
Minsk at 10 A.M. on March 30, 1961. The records state
that he was admitted with complaints about suppuration
from the right ear and a weakening in hearing. Lawrence
said that this was a cover-up for "the real reason for Oswald's
stay—but there was one slight oversight. He was
hospitalized for eleven days for an 'adenoid' operation.
Eleven days for an adenoid removal is, or course, preposterous.
In austere Soviet Russia it was particularly ridiculous!"
What really happened, according to Lawrence, was that
during the operation a small electrode was implanted inside
Oswald's mastoid sinus. The electrode responded to a radio
signal which would make audible, inside Oswald's head,
certain electronic commands to which he had already been
posthypnotically conditioned to respond. (The autopsy report
in Dallas noted that there was a small scar on the
mastoid sinus behind Oswald's ear.)
In 1967 the idea sounded utterly preposterous. Mr.
Lawrence's book, Were We Controlled?, found only a minuscule
audience. Lawrence, on the other hand, may have
had much more evidence than he was allowed to present.
His credentials indicated that he had been "working in liaison
with the department of defense."
In 1975 the RHIC-EDOM story surfaced again. This
time a Tennessee journalist said he had been given topsecret
documents by two former CIA officials whom he
would not identify. The journalist, James L. Moore, said
that the papers in his possession described the details of "a
military technique of mind-control called Radio-Hypnotic
Intra-Cerebral Control—Electronic Dissolution of Memory."
Moore described the RHIC-EDOM file as a 350-page
scientific report, which was prepared by the CIA immediately
after the murder of President John F. Kennedy. He said it described a way of turning men into electronically
controlled robots programmed to kill on command.
According to Moore, in the initial (RHIC) stage of programming
the prospective killer is put into a deep hypnotic
trance, and conditioned to go into trance at the sound of a
specific tone. "A person may be placed under this control
with or without his knowledge, programmed to perform
certain actions and maintain certain attitudes" whenever he
hears the tone. "Effective for a lifetime," Moore said, "control
may be triggered weeks, months, or even years after
the first 'hypnosis' and programming."
"Medically," Moore continued, "these radio signals are
directed to certain parts of the brain. When a part of your
brain receives a tiny electrical impulse from outside
sources, such as vision, hearing, etc., an emotion is produced—
anger at the sight of a gang of boys beating an old
woman, for example. This same emotion of anger can be
created by artificial radio signals sent to your brain by a
controller. You could instantly feel the same white hot anger
without any apparent reason."
The second part of the process, electronic dissolution of
memory (EDOM), Moore said, is more complex. "In the
brain is a chemical called acetylcholine, which carries
electrical impulses from the eyes, ears, nose, nerve endings,
etc., to the part of the brain where memory is located.
Memory is nothing more than the recording of these electrical
impulses, and acetylcholine is the path (or 'wire') that
connects the inner brain to the nerves of your eyes and
ears . . . By electronically jamming the brain, acetylcholine
creates static which blocks out sights and sounds. You
would then have no memory of what you saw or heard;
your mind would be a blank."
Moore said that according to CIA documents, this
method can be used either to block the memory completely,
or to slow it down so that events seem to have
happened later than they actually have. "According to a
knowledgeable CIA source, this is what happened in Dallas
and later in Los Angeles," Moore stated.
Moore quoted his unidentified source as saying, "That
was the first thought to hit us at CIA. It's pretty obvious
that Ruby was programmed to kill Oswald, even by Ruby's
own words . . . As for Sirhan, there is no other explana tion; it's a proven fact that his memory has been completely
erased."
"The assassination of John Kennedy," Moore said "was
carried out by disgruntled CIA and FBI personnel, using
Mafia and Cuban exile flunkies.'"
The claims of James L. Moore would sound fantastic
were it not for the abundance of information to support the
possibility of their validity.
The Helms memo to the Warren Commission mentioned
something called "biological radio communication." Although
the term was not fully explained, Helms related it
to ESB: "Current research indicates that the Soviets are
attempting to develop a technology for control in the development
of behavioral patterns among the citizenry of the
USSR in accordance with politically determined requirements
of the system. Furthermore, the same technology can
be applied to more sophisticated approaches to the 'coding'
of information for transmittal to population targets in the
'battle for the minds of men.'"
It seems entirely possible that the "radiomagnetic waves"
Moore referred to and the "biological radio communication"
Helms referred to may be one and the same. Both
terms probably describe waves radiated in the electromagnetic
spectrum. Both sound waves and radio waves have
been studied for their coercive effect on the mind. Ultrasonics
are sound waves, traveling in a medium different
from the radio medium.
A 1951 MKULTRA CIA memo also described what
could be related to RHIC-EDOM. "There is no reason to
believe that Russia and some of the satellites have not investigated
the effects of ultrasonics on man, perhaps to the
extent of its possible use in the future for interrogation purposes.
We have no reports which indicate past use of ultrasonics
on prisoners for this purpose, but its possible use
should be taken into consideration."
Meanwhile, ultrasonics research was underway. Drs. W.
Fry and R. Meyers of the University of Illinois used focused
ultrasonic waves to make brain lesions of a very controlled
size. Their research, conducted in 1961, demonstrated
the great advantage of ultrasonics over the psychosurgical
techniques which implanted electrodes in the
brain. By using low-energy sound beams, Fry and Meyers stimulated or destroyed neural tissue at the point of focus
of the beams without cutting or drilling into the brain.
A few years later Dr. Peter Lindstrom at the University
of Pittsburgh used a single unfocused sonic beam to destroy
fiber tracts without damaging the nerve cells next to them.
Lindstrom used this "prefrontal sonic treatment" as a substitute
for lobotomy, to destroy fiber tracts in the frontal
lobes of patients who had either untreatable pain or severe
psychiatric disorders.
The cryptocracy's secret funds and guidance directed a
number of research projects into the effects on the brain of
various vibrations beyond the perception of ordinary human
senses. In one experiment recommended by Norbert
Wiener, a sheet of tin was suspended from the ceiling and
connected to a generator working at ten cycles per second.
When large field strengths of one or two volts per centimeter
(a very minute amount) were oscillating at the alpha
frequency of the human brain, extremely unpleasant sensations
were reported by the volunteer subjects.
Scientists at the Brain Research Institute of the University
of California took up the investigation of the effects of
oscillating fields on human behavior. They experimented
with field strengths of not more than a few hundredths of a
volt per centimeter. After fifteen minutes of exposure to
such oscillating fields, subjects showed measurable degeneration
in performance of simple tasks.
These and other experiments led the cryptocracy to
study the effects of very-low-frequency sound (VLF)—the
opposite of ultrasonics—as an instrument of war. Research
revealed that there is a natural wave guide between the
ionosphere and the earth which could be used to propagate
very-low-frequency radiation and guide it to selected locations
on the earth. Studies showed that this low-frequency
sound subtly affected the electrical behavior of the brain in
much the same way that Dr. Adey's studies had shown.
The alpha-wave frequency of the human brain is from
eight to twelve hertz (cycles per second). The ionospheric
wave guide oscillates at eight hertz, making it a good harmonic
carrier of low-frequency sound (LFS) waves. These
are such long waves that they are virtually impossible to
detect. Pentagon reports apply LFS to demobilizing the
productive capacity of a civilian population in time of war. Dr. Frank Barnaby, Director of the Stockholm International
Peace Research Institute, suggested what the cryptocracy
already knew: "If methods could be devised to produce
greater field strengths of such low-frequency
oscillations, either by natural (for example, lightning) or
artificial means, then it might become possible to impair
the performance of a large group of people in selected regions
over extended periods."3
Since Anton Mesmer's early experiments with animal
magnetism, Western scientists have known that monotonous
rhythms produce drowsiness and open the individual
to hypnotic induction. Scientists found that flashing a
strobe light at a certain frequency could induce epileptics
to have seizures. Subjected to ultrasonic or very-lowfrequency
sound in harmony with alpha rhythms, an entire
population might be lulled into a state of drowsiness by the
unperceived waves, and radio and television—the normal
channels of mass hypnosis—could implant suggestions to
control the behavior of entire nations.
Soviet scientists have used electronic fields applied outside
the head to induce and enhance the qualities of sleep.
Their most widely publicized device is the "electrosone." It
permits low-frequency pulses to be applied to the cerebral
cortex through mild electrical stimulation—electrical current
sent through electrodes placed on the eyelids and behind
the ears. The Soviets claim that this technique, called
electronarcosis, can give the benefits of a full night's sleep
in only two or three hours. The sleep is induced rapidly
and is so deep that the subject wakes up as fully refreshed
and invigorated as if he had slept an entire night.
Radiation has also leapt into the vanguard of mindcontrol
technology. The Soviets have been studying the effects
of microwave radiation since 1933. They have found
that, among other things, microwaves can affect the central
nervous system. They have also discovered that microwave
radiation, even of low intensity, can seriously alter the normal
rhythm of brain waves, causing hallucinations and
drastic perceptual changes, including a loss of the sense of
time. In biological studies, they found that exposure to microwaves
causes changes in protein composition and in
white blood cells. A number of endocrine responses are
also altered by microwave radiation, including the activities
of the thyroid and other glands. And, lastly, microwaves can cause maternal lactation to cease and, in some cases,
male sterility.
In 1962 when the CIA discovered that the U.S. Embassy
in Moscow was being irradiated with microwaves, the
cryptocracy reacted with silence. For years the U.S. government
knew about the Russian research but appeared to
ignore it. Perhaps they feared that any claim that microwave
radiation could affect human behavior would bring
great restrictions on the use of radar, microwave relays,
and on booming microwave oven sales. But a less obvious
reason suggests itself: the cryptocracy did not want to draw
attention to its own use of radiation in mind control.
In May, 1968, General Electric announced that it was
recalling 90,000 color TV sets which were emitting excessive
amounts of dangerous X-rays. This set the gears in
motion for Senate hearings on the problem of radiation effects.
But the cryptocracy still protected its interests; the
Defense Department sent two high-ranking medical officers
from each branch of the armed forces to assure the senators
that safeguards to military-sponsored research into the biological
effects of radiation had been adequate. They testified
that nobody in the armed forces was being exposed to hazardous
amounts of radiation.
Meanwhile, the microwave bombardment of the U.S.
embassy continued, and the CIA acted as if it knew nothing
at all about radiation effects, denying that there was
even a problem.
Yet in 1964, when Dr. Milton Zaret, an ophthalmologist
at New York University's Bellevue Medical Center, published
a paper reporting that there were harmful biological
and behavioral effects to micro-radiation, the CIA immediately
came around to ask Zaret some questions.
They wanted to know whether he thought that electromagnetic
radiation beamed at the brain from a distance
could affect the way a person might act. Dr. Zaret told the
CIA that from what he'd read in the Soviet literature on
the subject it seemed quite conceivable that microwaves
could produce behavioral changes. On another occasion,
Zaret said, a CIA doctor inquired of him if he thought that
microwaves could be used to "facilitate brainwashing."
In early 1965 the CIA informed Dr. Zaret that the Russians
had been irradiating the American embassy. Later
Zaret was called to attend a special meeting at the Institute for Defense Analysis in Arlington, Virginia. There he met a
number of people from the Defense Department's Advanced
Research Projects Agency who were also working
on the problem of radiation.
Subsequently Dr. Zaret and others set out to duplicate
the conditions of micro-radiation in the embassy. "I remember
that in one experiment we succeeded in replicating
a Czechoslovakian study of behavioral effects in rats, but
also observed some unique convulsions in these animals
prior to death." When Dr. Zaret relayed that information
to Washington he received a telegram from the CIA ordering
him not to pursue the investigation any further.'
In May, 1972, Jack Anderson broke the "Moscow Signal"
story, which had been kept secret for ten years: the
Russians were bombarding the American embassy in Moscow
with micro-radiation. Anderson speculated that the
CIA had been trying to cover up the fact that the Russians
were trying to brainwash American diplomats by microwave
bombardment. He implied (probably correctly) that
the CIA had created the cover-up to protect its own secrets
of mind control by irradiation.
After the disclosure, Anderson came under heavy attack
from representatives of both the military and industry.
There were loud protests from the microwave oven manufacturers,
but no one refuted the brainwashing angle of
micro-radiation. The story lay dormant until June of 1977,
when it was announced that teams of scientists at the University
of Utah and the University of Washington had received
grants from the National Institute of Environmental
Health Sciences to study the effects of chronic low-level
microwave exposure. Dr. Om P. Gandhi, professor of
electrical engineering and bioengineering at Utah, said,
"Most U.S. scientists are still quite skeptical of the Soviet
studies."
As hypnotists had done over the years, many scientists
express doubt that electronic, sonic, or radiation techniques
would ever be used for such purposes.
"The reports of new technical developments for brain
stimulation have led to a concern that it will be used as the
basis of an 'electroligarchy' where people could be virtually
enslaved by controlling them from within their own brains
. . . there is actually little foundation for the belief that
brain stimulation could be used as a political weapon," Dr. Elliot S. Valenstein said. "It doesn't make sense. Anyone
influential enough to get an entire population to consent to
having electrodes placed in its head would already have his
goal without firing a single volt."6
Dr. Willard Gaylin agreed, saying, "Electrode implantation
or surgical ablation of brain sections as a direct means
of political control seems unlikely—much less a threat, for
example, than drugs. Such an individualized and dramatic
procedure hardly seems suited to the enslavement of populations
or the robotization of political leaders. Drugs, brainwashing
by control of the media, exploitation of fears
through forms of propaganda, and indoctrination through
the sources of education, particularly if preschool education
or neonatal conditioning . . . becomes an approved practice,
all seem more likely methods of totalitarian control."6
The British biochemist Dr. Steven Rose issued a similar
objection: "Unlike ancient maps marked 'here be monsters,'
there will not be . . . brains transplanted into bodies
or bottles, thought, memory or mind control, telepathic
communication or genetic engineering, artificial intelligence
or robots . . . I believe them impossible—or at
least improbable; more importantly because scientific advance
and its attendant technology only comes about in
response to social constraints and social demands. Because
there are at present no or few social demands in the direction
of these lurid potential developments, they do not represent,
in a world beset with crises and challenges to human
survival, serious contenders for our concern.'"
Of course, when science is developed in a piecemeal,
compartmentalized fashion, as it is under the direction of
the cryptocracy, then no social constraints come into play.
Where the public is kept ignorant, and where scientists
themselves are manipulated by the grant system, the balance
upon which Dr. Rose relies is absent.
On the other hand, for every scientist who denies that
mind control exists or will ever exist, there is one who sees
it as a desirable form of social control. Social psychologist
Kenneth B. Clark appears to be one of those men.
Expressing the fear of the nuclear age, and the group
Paranoia of the Cold Warriors, Clark said, "Given the urgency
of the immediate survival problem, the psychological
and social sciences must enable us to control the animalistic,
barbaric and primitive propensities in man and subordi nate these negatives to the uniquely human moral and ethical
characteristics of love, kindness, and empathy . . . We
can no longer afford to rely solely on the traditional prescientific
attempts to contain human cruelty and destructiveness."
Clark suggested that behavior control requirements be
imposed on all "power-controlling leaders," and even those
who aspire to such leadership. He would require them to
accept and submit to "biochemical intervention which
would assure their positive use of power and reduce or
block the possibility of using power destructively.
"It would assure," Clark said, "that there would be no
absurd or barbaric use of power. It would provide the
masses of human beings with the security that their leaders
would not sacrifice them on the altars of their personal
ego."8
But if there were a mind-controlled President in the
White House, what guarantee would we have that the cryptocracy
would not use such access for purely selfish motives?
Obviously, submission to any form of mind control
by politicians could lead to Clark's "masses of human
beings" being sacrificed not on the altars of personal ego
but on the altars of national security.
There seems to be a good deal of cultural momentum
leading toward a cybernetic anthill society. If we can draw
any inference from the numerous predictions made by men
of accomplishment in our society, it is that direct braincomputer
interface, the cyborg, and the resulting mass
mind control are on the horizon.
D. G. Brennan, member of the Hudson Institute, mathematician,
and expert on national security problems, predicted:
"Computers as sophisticated as the human brain
will be small enough to be carried in a shoe box."8
Arthur C. Clarke, science-fiction writer, predicted: "The
first intelligent computer will be the last machine man will
need to make—and quite possibly the last that he'll be permitted
to make."10
Gerald Feinberg, professor of physics at Columbia University,
predicted: "It will be possible to tinker with the
brain—to make the human memory more reliable and
accessible at the expense, say, of breadth in sensory
responses."11
Olaf Helmer, founding member of Institute for the Future, predicted: "Slave robots are likely to appear. It may
also be possible to devise a way for a disembodied brain to
be kept alive so that it can give instruction to a robot
which will act as its body."12
Stephen Rosen, a research scientist at IBM, predicted
the unification of physical medicine (like drugs and organ
transplants) with behavioral techniques (like biofeedback,
cybernetic learning, and psychology).
And there is Jose Delgado, who predicted—among other
things—the coming of a psycho-civilized society. Delgado
also said that the fundamental question of the future would
be "who is going to exert the power of behavior control?"
And even Delgado, a true believer in ESB, issued a warning
that in the future the cryptocracy would have to be
curtailed. "It is . . . essential that relevant information
not be restricted to a small elite, but be shared by all."13
Whether created by the use of hypnosis, drugs, behavior
modification, electronic or sonic brain stimulation, or
through a combination of these tools of psycho-science, the
cyborg is stalking us in our dreams. And just as life imitates
art, men live out their dreams in their waking state.
The dream, expressed by the prophetic visions of men
from all walks of life, is of a time when the machine or
the drug will take over and relieve man of his difficult burden
of self-responsibility. For better or worse, selfresponsibility—
where each individual acts consciously, and
accepts the consequences of his own actions—is the stuff of
which freedom is made.
The prophecies of poets, writers, scientists, and futurists
express what can be considered a regressive, devolutionary
myth. Sprung from the complexity of technological life,
where self-responsibility is largely directed by propaganda
and indoctrination, where an ignorant rather than an enlightened
public is desired, the majority of responsibile actions
can result only in cultural disaster. This, in turn, adds
to the frustration of the individual who, weighing all the
facts—or what were presented as facts—thought he had
made the best choice possible. When these decisions, based
on false information, are shown to result in negative effects,
the frustration of the individual grows. Weariness eventually
sets in, and the individual becomes willing to surrender
his self-responsibility and eagerly awaits his liberation by
some authoritarian figure. In the past such people as Hitler, Lenin, or Mao Tse-
Tung were high-profile father figures who inspired trust
and surrender by the masses. In the modern technological
miasma, a nameless, faceless cryptocracy is manipulating
world politics.
The cryptocracy supports only those foreign and domestic
leaders who are sycophants of secrecy. Of necessity
keeping a low profile, the cryptocracy can inspire neither
the allegiance nor the surrender which was inspired by the
previous exploiters of the cult of personality. Thus, with no
human image representing benevolent authority, the masses
embrace a substitute father figure—technology. The dream
of test tube babies, genetically engineered children, and
electronically controlled parents visits the collective unconscious
and manifests itself in the way we see the future and
in the mysticism of the day.
Even Uri Geller, the Houdini of parapsychology, seems
to be expressing this very myth. His supposedly occult
powers, he says, come from contact with beings who present
themselves as "deliverers" from outer space. With superior
intelligence, they manifest all forms of telepathy, telekinesis,
and teleportation, and have told Mr. Geller that
they are pure mind, maintained throughout eternity by machines
which traverse the universe and transcend time and
space.
As the psychologist Erich Fromm said, "A specter is
stalking in our midst whom only a few see with clarity. It is
not the old ghost of communism or fascism. It is a new
specter: a completely mechanized society, devoted to maximal
material output and consumption, directed by computers;
and in this social process, man himself is being transformed
into a part of the total machine, well fed and
entertained, yet passive, unalive, and with little feeling.
With the victory of the new society, individualism and privacy
will have disappeared; feelings toward others will be
engineered by psychological conditioning and other devices,
or drugs."14
Fromm is talking about the new myth, which anticipates
a time when the machine or the drug will manipulate the
human mind and relieve man of his difficult burden of freedom.
From the new mythology comes the public tolerance
of the cryptocracy as well as the hero worship of such fig ures as James Bond, the Six Million Dollar Man, and the
Bionic Woman. Everywhere in modern literature and art,
and in the mass entertainment media, one can see the
expressions of the modern myth of techno-eroticism and
the dark shadow of the priesthood of secrecy. There is so
much of it in the media, in fact, one has to suspect that the
American public is deliberately being desensitized to the
concept of mind control and the "psycho-civilized" society.
The cryptocracy has gone to absurd lengths to develop
remote-controlled beings. Victor Marchetti revealed that
the CIA had once tried to create a cyborg cat. He said that
the Agency wired a live feline for sound in an attempt to
use the pet for eavesdropping purposes. The cat was first
altered electronically so that it would function as a listening
device in areas where potential enemy agents would be discussing
covert plots.
But problems developed, Marchetti said, and the cat had
to be rewired. The cat would wander away from its target
area, as cats will, looking for food. The CIA fixed that by
inserting wires directly into the hunger center of the cat's
brain. The wires were attached to a radio receiver which
would suppress the hunger pangs by remote control. But
once that problem was solved, the CIA found that the kitty
needed more circuitry in its brain to control its natural
urges. After the hunger center was turned off the cat still
would wander away, this time following the sex instinct.
The CIA planted more electrodes into the sex center of the
cat's brain.
After the electronic feline was at last ready for its assignment,
it was turned loose on the street and was followed by
a CIA support van loaded with electronic monitoring gear.
Before any conversations could be picked up, however,
Marchetti said, "the poor thing got run over by a taxicab."
The future should come as no surprise, now that Science
Digest has reported that as of 1976 there has been a robot
Population explosion in the United States, with some 6,000
mechanical humanlike machines performing simple human
tasks. According to the publication, within the next thirty
years there will be more robot than human workers in
America.
The typical state of robotdom is still very expensive. Today
the average robot costs about $50,000. Most use tele vision to "see" and to review their work. A number of the
6,000 robots in service are busy building other robots. A
Robot Institute of America is already in existence.
Even situation comedies such as the television show
about the robot cop Holmes and Yoyo embody the myth
and condition the individual to accept the day when wires
will enter his brain—wires hidden inside the skull: clandestine
circuitry for covert cyborgs. The myth of surrender to
control by technology is being glorified as the highest aim
of the twentieth century version of the American Dream.
The American Dream is turning into a cybernetic nightmare.
As poet Richard Brautigan said, trying to find hope
in their myth, one day we may all be "watched over by
machines of loving grace."

Jose Delgado stood sweating in the center of a bull ring
in Madrid. He was steaming from the heat of the sun reflected
on the sand. He felt a twinge of natural fear as the
door at one end of the walled ring swung open, and a huge
black bull lunged forth from the darkness into the plaza de
toros.
This was a very good bull, one the best matador would
have desired. It charged as if on rails, straight at Delgado.
In front of a ton of black beef two sharp horns aimed to
gore the vital parts of bis body.
Delgado stood face to face with the charging Andalusian
toro. But Delgado was no matador. He stood in the ring
alone in his shirtsleeves. He wore no "suit of lights" and he
carried no cape. Instead of a sword, he held only a little
black box.
He wanted to wait until the last possible moment, but he
could not contain his fear. When the bull was thirty feet
away he pressed the button on the box. The bull immediately
quit his attack and skidded to a halt. Toro looked
right, then left, then, as if bewildered, he turned his broad
side toward Delgado and trotted away.
From the stands it was difficult to see the metal box between
the horns which held that small radio receiver which
picked up Delgado's signal and transmitted it as an electric
impulse through a probe inserted into the center of the
bull's brain. Delgado was not living out the boyhood fantasy
of being a matador, nor was he demonstrating his bravery. He was demonstrating his faith, as a scientist, in
the power of electronic brain stimulation.
Jose Delgado was a neurophysiologist at the Yale University
School of Medicine. By 1964, when he made his
dramatic demonstration with the bull, he had already been
experimenting with electronic stimulation of the brain
(ESB) for nearly two decades. His work, supported by the
Office of Naval Research, had been inspired by the Spanish
histologist Santiago Ramon y Cajal, who said that knowledge
of the physiochemical basis of memory, feelings, and
reason would make man the true master of creation. Cajal
suggested that man's most transcendental accomplishment
would be the conquest of his own brain, and upon this
premise Jose Delgado began his relentless quest to make
his mentor's dream come true.
"From ancient times," Dr. Delgado said, "man has tried
to control the destiny of other human beings by depriving
them of liberty and submitting them to obedience. Slaves
have been forced to work and to serve the caprices of their
masters; prisoners have been chained to row in the galleys;
men were and still are inducted into the armed forces and
sent thousands of miles away to create havoc, take lives,
and lose their own.
"Biological assault has also existed throughout recorded
history. In ancient China, the feet of female children were
bound to reduce their size. In many countries thieves have
been punished by having their hands cut off; males have
been castrated to inhibit sexual desire and then placed as
eunuchs in charge of harems; and in some African tribes it
was customary to ablate the clitoris of married females to
block their possible interest in other men and insure their
fidelity."1
The Spanish-born Delgado believed that, thanks to electronic
brain stimulation, science was at last on the verge of
"a process of mental liberation and self-domination which
is a continuation of our evolution." He believed that
through the direct manipulation of the brain, society could
produce "more intelligent education, starting from the moment
of birth and continuing throughout life, with the preconceived
plan of escaping from the blind forces of
chance."
Delgado believed that by direct influence of the cerebral mechanisms and mental structure it would someday be possible
to "create a future man . . . a member of a psychocivilized
society, happier, less destructive, and better balanced
than the present man."
In 1969 Dr. Delgado pleaded that the U.S. government
increase research into ESB in order to produce the fundamental
information which would give birth to a "psychocivilized
society." He said that the needed research could
not be "generated by scientists themselves, but must be
promoted and organized by governmental action declaring
'conquering of the human mind' a national goal at parity
with conquering of poverty or landing a man on the
moon."2
Delgado insisted that brain research was much less expensive
than going to outer space and would produce benefits
to society equal to, if not greater than, those produced
by space technology.
By the time Delgado's remarks were published, the cryptocracy
had already come a long way in developing the
techniques to create the "psycho-civilized society" Delgado
dreamed of. Delgado himself had been funded by grants
from the cryptocracy but, like other researchers, was kept
isolated and compartmented. He had no way of knowing
about the other government-directed brain control research
that was going on simultaneously with his own. A number
of government agencies were actually at work on projects
similar to Delgado's, and through these projects the cryptocracy
had gained the technology for direct access to the
control of the brain and through it, the mind.
In 1949, Dr. Irving Janis of the Rand Corporation had
recommended that the air force undertake a study of the
"effects of electricity on the brain." His report said that, in
research based on the literature of the 1940s, there were at
least some indications that electric shocks to the brain
might be conducive to mind control.
Janis wrote: "Many studies have shown that there is a
temporary intellectual impairment, diffuse amnesia, and
general 'weakening of the ego' produced during the period
when a series of electroshock convulsions is being administered."
Dr. Janis was not talking about electronic brain stimulation;
he was referring to electro-convulsive therapy (ECT), a crude treatment for schizophrenia originated in Hungary
in the 1930s, which consisted of passing a strong electrical
current through the entire brain at once.
Unlike ESB, ECT was not aimed at the microscopic
neural centers of the brain. It was just one large jolt of
electricity, which produced, rather than a specific neural
event, a massive convulsion. Electrical current administered
in such a way temporarily affected the electrical
properties of all the neurons in the brain. It produced sharp
biochemical changes in the levels of glucose, oxygen consumption,
protein synthesis, and other functions. It also
produced amnesia, sometimes temporary, sometimes permanent.
As biochemist Steven Rosen said, "The [ECT] treatment
is analogous to attempting to mend a faulty radio by
kicking it, or a broken computer by cutting out a few of its
circuits."3 Often the extreme convulsions induced by ECT
produced such strong muscular contractions that the bones
of the subject's body snapped like breadsticks.
But Dr. Janis did not seem to think it too severe a treatment
for use in mind control. "From my own and others'
investigations of the psychological effects of such treatments,"
he wrote, "I would suspect that they might tend to
reduce resistance to hypnotic suggestions. It is conceivable,
therefore, that electroshock treatment might be used to
weaken difficult cases in order to produce a hypnotic
trance of great depth."4
Meanwhile, astonishing discoveries were being made
which indicated that the use of electronic stimulation of the
pleasure center of the brain as a reward for performance
could be used to enhance learning. Experiments conducted
at the end of World War II showed that rats learned to
run around mazes and perform in Skinner boxes better
after they had received properly applied electronic stimulation
of their brains. Repeated experiments showed that
when animals were rewarded with electricity applied to the
pleasure center of the brain, they learned much more rapidly
than did animals who were conditioned by rewards of
food. One Department of Defense project graphically illustrated
the use of such pleasure stimulation conditioning.
The Sandia Corporation in New Mexico was asked by
the Department of Defense to set up a demonstration of
ESB and film the results. Sandia produced a striking film which showed electrodes being implanted into the brain of
an army mule. After the mule recovered from surgery, a
brain stimulator was placed in a pack on its back, along
with a prism and mirror which were arranged so that they
operated a photocell when the animal was facing directly
toward the sun. When sunlight struck the photocell, it
turned on a brief burst of electricity which was sent along
wires into the pleasure center of the mule's brain. When the
mule turned away from the sun, the stimulation stopped.
But when the mule faced the sun again, the pleasurable
stimulation resumed.
So wired, the mule marched over hill and dale across the
barren land of New Mexico, always facing the sun. Finally
it came to the boundary of the property, where a scientist
was waiting. The mirror was reversed and then the mule
retraced its steps by keeping its back to the sun. Mules are
not noted for being cooperative beasts, but this electrically
stimulated mule traced and retraced its path without deviation,
just as long as the stimulation continued.
Sandia's mule film created a great deal of enthusiasm at
the Pentagon. Quickly, the officers saw the military significance
of the experiment: mules could be made to clear
minefields! They could be used to deliver explosives to assigned
targets, much as the Russians had used trained dogs
to carry explosives against German tanks during World
War II! And what mules could accomplish on land, porpoises,
with much greater intelligence, could accomplish in
the sea!
It soon became clear to the cryptocracy that electronic
brain stimulation held the greatest promise for specific, selective
mind control. The usefulness of drugs in manipulating
human behavior had been limited by the inability of
researchers to control either the desired or the undesired
effects of the drugs with any precision. ESB, however, used
in conjunction with psycho-surgery and behavior modification,
offered unlimited possibilities. After experiments on
laboratory animals met with success, human experimentation
was enthusiastically undertaken in quest of the most
reliable and absolute method of remote control of the mind.
Because human behavior is influenced by many more
variables, experimentation on humans proved to be more
complex than with animals. Experimenters were constantly
reaching false conclusions. Often the observed effects of stimulating certain areas of the brain turned out to be only
indirectly related to the stimulation.
For example, a fifty-year-old female mental patient was
stimulated in what was thought to be her pleasure center.
She had been an extremely withdrawn and melancholy person
whose expression always seemed impassive and dour.
When electronic stimulation was applied at irregular intervals
and different times of day, she would laugh or smile.
The scientists concluded that they were stimulating a
strong pleasure region in her brain and grew confident that
they had found a way to cure the woman of her melancholia.
They began to discuss their findings openly in her presence,
until one day she became angry and told them she
did not enjoy the experiments at all. She explained to the
scientists that the stimulus was not giving her pleasure, it
was creating a rhythmic contraction of certain pelvic muscles.
She had smiled and laughed from being tickled!
After many years of experimentation, it is still unknown
just exactly which effects of electronic brain stimulation are
psychological, which are physical, and which are psychophysical.
For every experiment suggesting that a particular
behavior change is due to the direct effect of electricity applied
to a center of the brain, there are others which suggest
that the effect is a result of some psychological response
to the initial stimulus.
From the Brain Research Institute at the University of
California came a report by Dr. Mary Brazier that one patient
continued to "self-stimulate even after electricity was
turned off and there was no more current in the electrode."
Others gave similar reports, saying that some subjects continued
to press a lever which had rewarded them with pleasurable
stimulation long after the current was cut off. These
subjects pushed the lever hundreds of times when they
were receiving no stimulation at all, and kept on doing it
until the experiment was terminated.
Several experimenters reported that ESB elicited sexual
feelings and in some cases orgasms. In a report summarizing
seven years of research with ESB, Dr. R. G. Heath told
of one melancholic patient who had attempted suicide a
number of times. When all else failed to elevate his mood,
doctors resorted to ESB. An electrode implanted in his hypothalamus
was activated and the subject smiled. After the
experience he said, "I feel good. I don't know why, I just suddenly felt good." Upon further questioning the patient
admitted that there might have been sexual overtones in his
experience. He said, "It's like I had something lined up for
Saturday night . . . a girl."
Heath reported that in several instances ESB led to orgasm.
While orgasms may have been caused by genital sensations
created when certain areas of the brain were stimulated,
Heath said that he did not believe that genital
sensations had to be present for orgasm to occur. He observed
that self-stimulation usually stopped after orgasm
was reached. He concluded that stimulation of the orgasm
center of the brain, if that was what had produced the orgasms,
appeared to be no more compelling than masturbation.
From the Soviet Union came a report typical of many of
the surprising results of ESB. A thirty-seven-year-old
woman suffering from Parkinson's disease was given ESB
treatments to alleviate the effects of palsy. The stimulation
evoked sexual sensations which eventually led to orgasm.
The woman then began to hang around the laboratory. She
would initiate conversation with aides and assistants whenever
she could. She even waited for them in the hospital
corridors and the garden trying to find out when the next
session was scheduled. She was especially affectionate toward
the doctor who was throwing the switch to activate
the probes in her brain. When she was finally told that
there would be no more stimulation, she displayed extreme
dissatisfaction.
Strangely, the stimulation did not give the woman any
sexual pleasure until her menstrual cycle, which had been
absent for eight years, resumed as a result of the stimulation.
Soviet investigators expressed their belief, based on
studies such as this, that the motivational consequences of
ESB are subject to conscious control. This conclusion is
supported by the results of many experiments in the West
as well.
In 1964 Richard Helms reported to the Warren Commission
(see Appendix A) that the trend in the Soviet Union
was to build "the New Communist/Man" through
cybernetics (the use of machines as control/mechanisms).
Helms quoted an unidentified Soviet author saying: "Cybernetics
can be used in 'molding of a child's character, the
inculcation of knowledge and techniques, the amassing of experience, the establishment of social behavior patterns
. . . all functions which can be summarized as control of the
growth process of the individual.' " The Helms memo indicated
that the Soviets did not possess any knowledge which
the West did not have, and in some areas even lagged far
behind U.S. research. The tone of his memo seemed to suggest
that the U.S. cryptocracy was also interested in creating
a "new man"—a cyborg.
The term "cyborg" was coined in the mid-sixties by C.
Maxwell Cade. It was first used to describe a human body
or other organism whose functions are taken over in part
by various electronic or electromechanical devices. But true
man-machine interface will not exist until the machine becomes
an extension not of a man's hands but of his brain.
When the machine responds directly to thought, just as an
arm or hand does, then the cyborg will be among us. Electronic
brain stimulation is the first real step toward the creation
of a true cyborg.
ESB has, meanwhile, been strikingly successful in other
areas. It has been used to modify mental mechanisms, to
produce changes in mood and feelings, to reinforce behavior
both positively and negatively. It has been used to activate
sensory and motor regions of the brain in order to
produce elementary or complex experiences or movements,
to summon memories, and to induce hallucinations. It also
has been used to suppress or inhibit behavior and experience
and memory—outside of the conscious control of the
owner of the brain.
ESB has inhibited the intake of food. It has inhibited
aggressiveness and even the maternal instinct. It has been
widely used in medical research to help stroke victims recover
from paralysis and to block epileptic convulsions. It
has proved to be an aid to paraplegics in controlling their
bladders and it has helped certain kinds of paralysis victims
to walk again. It has been found to be effective in blocking
even the most severe pain.
ESB has been used by psychiatrists to improve mood,
increase alertness, and produce orgasm. It has been used as
a conditioning tool to "cure" undesirable social behavior
such as homosexuality. And, in 1974, the first victim of
Parkinson's disease treated by ESB walked gracefully out of
a San Francisco hospital under his own power, thanks to
portable ESB. He had a "stimoceiver" implanted in his brain which he could activate from a battery-powered device
in his belt. The "stimoceiver," which weighed only a
few grams and was small enough to implant under his
scalp, permitted both remote stimulation of his brain and
the instantaneous telemetric recording of his brain waves.
Ten years before, Dr. Delgado had foreseen the day when
a psycho-civilized society would resort to the use of such
stimoceivers for control of the masses. He had said, "A
two-way radio communication system could be established
between the brain of a subject and a computer. Certain
types of neuronal activity related to behavioral disturbances
such as anxiety, depression, or rage could be recognized in
order to trigger stimulation of specific inhibitory structures
. . .'5 What he was describing was a society kept
under emotional control by electronic brain manipulation.
Rather than have man control a machine with his brain,
Delgado wanted the control of man by machine.
The present state of Western technology enables man to
open garage doors, fly model airplanes, and change television
channels by remote control. The government communicates
via telemetry with satellites far out in the solar system.
Medical scientists monitor heartbeats and vital
functions of patients in hospitals and astronauts on the
moon. And by the late 1960s, the "remote control" of the
human brain—accomplished without the implantation of
electrodes—was well on its way to being realized.
A research and development team at the Space and Biology
Laboratory of the University of California at the Los
Angeles Brain Research Institute found a way to stimulate
the brain by creating an electrical field completely outside
the head. Dr. W. Ross Adey stimulated the brain with electric
pulse levels which were far below those thought to be
effectual in the old implanting technique.
In one experiment, Dr. Adey analyzed the brain waves
of chimpanzees who were performing tasks that involved
learning. He established that there were two very distinct
brain-wave patterns which accompanied correct and incorrect
decisions. Building on this, Dr. Adey attempted to control
the rate at which the chimps learned by applying force
fields to the outside of the head to alter behavior, moods,
and attention. Dr. Adey's research indicated that his subjects
were able to remember new information faster and
better with stimulation. In the vanguard of brain technology, Dr. Adey worried
about misuse of ESB when applied to humans. "My personal
concern," he said, "is that we do it well. That if we
decide that this manipulation is feasible, that we do it in
ways that are socially acceptable."6
In 1975 a primitive "mind-reading machine" was tested
at the Stanford Research Institute. The machine is a computer
which can recognize a limited amount of words by
monitoring a person's silent thoughts. This technique relies
upon the discovery that brain wave tracings taken with an
electroencephalograph (EEG) show distinctive patterns
that correlate with individual words—whether the words
are spoken aloud or merely subvocalized (thought of).
The computer initially used audio equipment to listen to
the words the subject spoke. (At first the vocabulary was
limited to "up," "down," "left," and "right.") At the same
time the computer heard the words, it monitored the EEG
impulses coming from electrodes pasted to the subject's
head and responded by turning a camera in the direction
indicated. After a few repetitions of the procedure, the
computer's hearing was turned off and it responded solely
to the EEG "thoughts." It moved a television camera in the
directions ordered by the subject's thoughts alone!
This "mind-reading machine" was the creation of psychologist
Lawrence Pinneo and computer experts Daniel
Wolf and David Hall. Their stated goal was eventually to
put a highly skilled computer programmer into direct communication
with the computer. Their research indicated
that a nonsymbolic language—brain-wave patterns—did
exist. By teaching computers this language, the timeconsuming
practice of speaking or writing computer instructions
could be abandoned. Faster programming would
result in an information explosion whose effects could
cause a transformation of our civilization unlike anything
that has happened since the Industrial Revolution.
Many beneficial effects of the Stanford "mind-reading
machine" may eventually accrue. Physically handicapped
people may be able to use mini-computers to interpret signals
from their environment and compensate for the loss of
some bodily functions. The deaf may be able to hear; the
blind to see; the paralyzed to walk.
Military applications of a "mind-reading machine" will
someday allow faster computer input and output of information, remote control of war machines, and even the creation
of animal or human robots to do the bidding of the
military.
Norbert Wiener, the "father of cybernetics," once said
that the human brain, while functioning in a manner parallel
to the computer, actually imitates only one run of it.
Rudolph Flesch clarified Wiener's statement, adding that it
was the computer which had the advantage since it had the
ability to store memory away until needed for the consideration
of a new problem. He said that while the machine
starts each new problem from scratch, man carries his past
with him until he dies.
One young scientist at Rockefeller University, Dr. Adam
Reed, is working under a Department of Defense contract
to change all that. At a 1976 symposium of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, Dr. Adam
Reed said, "Ideally, the computer of the future should be
an electronic extension of the natural brain functioning in
parallel with some of the existing brain structures and using
the same program and data languages."
According to Dr. Reed, within two decades it will be
possible to encode and transmit brain waves from a small
device implanted inside the skull. It will be linked by radio
control to a large computer with a huge memory bank
which, he said "will have stored in it everything you might
want to know about foreign languages, mathematics, music,
history—and any other subject you would want to add.
You'll enjoy instant recall. The information stored in your
own memory cells and in your computer will be readily
accessible. You won't be able to forget things . . . You'll
also be able to calculate even the most complicated problems
with split-second speed."
But Dr. Reed admitted that there were very real dangers
to mental freedom posed by the brain technology now
being developed. "It is essential that people be able to use
them [the computers] for their own purposes rather than
for purposes imposed on them by the political structure."
While Dr. Reed conceded that it was "conceivable that
thoughts could be injected" into a person's mind by the
government, he indicated that he did not believe it had already
been done. "If the political system changes and massive
abuses appear likely," he said, "that would be the time
to disappear from the society." Dr. Lawrence Pinneo at the Stanford Research Institute
also discouraged the idea of a conspiracy to create a
"psycho-civilized," mind-controlled society. When asked if
there weren't a real and present danger of government
control of the thoughts of citizens posed by brain-computer
technology, Pinneo told a San Francisco reporter, "Anything
is possible. But government could lock us all up today,
so this sort of thing doesn't really change that possibility.
It is really up to us to be vigilant against misuse."7
Typically, the scientists have not been vigilant enough,
for the cryptocracy already has developed remote-controlled
men who can be used for political assassination
and other dangerous work, as is the cyborg in the "Six Million
Dollar Man"—but for less noble purposes. Cyborgs—
altered and controlled humans—are far less expensive
than fully mechanical robots. Due to the high cost of technology
men are cheaper than machines, and much more
expendable.

All the assassins in the cryptocracy's army of hit men are
not, by any means, programmed. There are other ways besides
mind control to motivate the commission of murder.
In 1298 Marco Polo returned from his Asiatic travels
with a tale of assassins who were motivated by an unusually
clever technique. Polo described a fortress he had
visited in the valley of Alamut in Persia. He said the valley
was the headquarters of a notorious group known as the
Ashishin, from which the word "assassin" evolved.
Polo's story echoed numerous legends about an "Old
Man of the Mountain," named Allahudin, who used subtle
and elaborate psychological tricks to motivate simple country
boys to undertake fearless acts of murder. The Old Man
had created an inescapable valley between two mountains
by building up high walls at both ends. He turned the valley
into a beautiful garden, the largest and most beautiful
that had ever been seen. In this valley he planted every
kind of fruit tree and built several elaborate, ornamented pavilions
and palaces which were said to be of such elegance
they could not be described in words. Everything that
could be, was covered with gold. The buildings housed the
most exquisite collection of paintings and sculpture in the
known world. Man-made streams flowed wine, milk,
honey, and water.
Also in the Old Man's garden was a harem of the most
beautiful houris in the world, trained to play all manner of
instruments, and to sing and dance in the most sensuous
and seductive manner. All had also been highly trained in the fine art of lovemaking, and were reputed to know every
possible way in which to make a man happy.
The garden was well fortified, and there was no way to
get in or out of it except through the Old Man's castle.
None were allowed to enter the Old Man's Garden except
those who had been selected to be among the Ashishin.
Youths from the countryside were attracted to the Old
Man's court, lured by tales of the fantastic paradise. They
believed that the Old Man was one of God's elect, and that
angels did his bidding. Only those ranging in age from
twelve to twenty years who displayed a taste for soldering
and were in prime physical condition were admitted to the
Ashishin.
The Old Man's garden duplicated every detail of Paradise
as described in the Koran by the Prophet Mohammed.
A young man selected for the Ashishin would soon come to
believe in the Old Man just as he already believed in Mohammed.
After the proper indoctrination was completed, the Old
Man would have his candidate drugged with a mysterious
potion that would cast him into a deep sleep. Once asleep,
the candidate would be lifted and carried into the garden
and would wake up to find himself in a place he was certain
must be Paradise.
As time went on, he'd become more and more convinced
that he was in Paradise. Ladies offered everything a young
man could want, beyond even the wildest expectations of
these simple folk. After only a few days in this garden, no
young country boy would have left of his own accord.
When the Old Man wanted to send one of his young
Ashishin on a mission, he would again have him given the
mysterious potion, and carried in his sleep from the garden
to the castle. There the youth would be dressed in his old
clothes and placed into the original position in which he'd
fallen asleep before being taken into the Garden.
Upon awakening to "reality" he would experience a
great sense of loss at finding that he was no longer in Paradise.
Then, as if meeting this young man for the first time,
the Old Man would ask him where he had come from.
Usually the youth would reply that he had just come from
Paradise, and in great excitement explain that it was exactly
as Mohammed had described it in the Koran. This
would, of course, give eavesdroppers an even greater desire to get there, and the strongest among them would, days
later, wake up in the arms of the houris of paradise.
When the Old Man wanted a rival prince killed, he
would command such a youth who'd just returned from
Paradise, "Go thou and slay So-and-so; and when thou returnest
my angels shall bear thee back into Paradise. But
shouldst thou die in the process, nevertheless, even so will I
send my angels to carry thee back into Paradise."
With this psychological ruse the Old Man would motivate
youths to transcend the fear of death. Usually there
was no order that a young Ashishin would not obey, no
peril he would not risk, so great was his desire to get back
to Paradise.
In this manner the Old Man got his Ashishin to murder
anyone he named. He inspired such dread in the princes of
other kingdoms that they offered tribute to him in order
that they might live in peace.
Marco Polo's story of early mind control has elements
which bear a striking similarity to today's modern Ashishin
of the cryptocracy.
In the 1950s the CIA smuggled a captive Soviet Air
Force officer to the United States for interrogation. He was
taken from a West Berlin prison to the CIA's Langley, Virginia,
"farm" where he was interrogated at length. Once
he'd begun to fear for his life, the CIA men showed him
clemency. They took him to New York, where he attended
a baseball game, and enjoyed a full sampling of the nectar
of freedom. He was plied with wine, women, song, and, in
the true American tradition, hot dogs.
After a few weeks of high living, the officer was returned
to the West Berlin prison, where he was thrown into a dark
cell. At an opportune moment he was allowed to escape.
After the CIA had established that he was back at his post,
flying the kind of aircraft they needed, they placed an ad in
a Western paper which was circulated in the underground
behind the Iron Curtain. The ad said that a certain group,
not identified with the CIA, would pay $100,000 and arrange
for political asylum for any pilot who would deliver
the specified Soviet aircraft to the West.
A few days after reading the ad, the Soviet officer flew
his plane to the West, collected his $100,000, gained political
asylum, and entered the "paradise" he had glimpsed for
only two weeks.  It should come as no surprise that many men will murder
for simple, old-fashioned motives: sex, love, or money.
One psychologist found that a sizable percentage of Americans
would be willing to kill another human being if they
were offered enough money and assured they would never
be caught.
In 1976 a Pasadena, California, psychologist, Dr. Paul
Cameron, put the murder-for-pay question to 452 persons.
Those questioned were divided into two groups. The first
group included those who had already deliberately killed or
attempted to kill another human being—usually in military
service. The second group consisted of those who had
never attempted to kill another person.
The question was: "What is the least amount of money
you would take to push a button to kill a person inside a
black box—if no one would ever know what you did?"
To Cameron's surprise, 45 percent of those who had
killed before said they would be willing to push the black
box button for an average price of only $20,000. Twentyfive
percent of those who'd never killed said they'd be willing
to commit murder for an average price of $50,000,
about the price of a house in the suburbs.
Mind control is not needed to motivate assassins; it is,
however, most useful to protect assassins and their employers
from their own incriminating memories.
In the course of researching this book I talked with a
number of retired intelligence personnel (from various government
agencies) who had either committed assassination
or admitted having heard tales of assassins in their work.
Few had heard of an assassin being mind-controlled. One
man I consulted, however, took a special interest in the
stories of David and Castillo. A chemist who had worked
for one of the intelligence research labs, he developed new
ways for killing quickly and quietly. And he had met several
of the killers who were to use his formulas.
Over a three-year period I talked with this chemist on a
number of occasions. He came to trust that I would reveal
no names and endanger no lives in telling the story of mind
control. After hearing details of my research, he offered to
introduce me to a man he had met while working at the
lab. This man had been a high-ranking officer in the military,
retired after thirty years of service. He had served as an officer in World War II and Korea. During the Vietnam
conflict because of his special knowledge of "black science,"
he was induced to sign on after he retired from military
service as a private contractor for the cryptocracy.
During the next eighteen years, he accepted several simple
assassination jobs. He told the chemist about some of his
friends having come back from similar missions with "holes
in their memories."
The chemist had arranged a meeting in a noisy public
restaurant in a small New Mexico town. Having promised
to take no notes, I had secreted in my pocket the smallest
tape recorder made, which allowed me to record three
hours of the assassin's talk, amid clanking glasses and the
general restaurant noise.
When I finally sat across from him, my heart raced. The
retired assassin was a sixty-year-old man, gray-haired, but
as strong as a man twenty-five years his junior. He had a
.357 magnum revolver strapped to his side, as did the man
he introduced as his bodyguard. As a cover for the guns, he
and the bodyguard both wore National Rifle Association
patches sewn prominently to the pockets of their crisply
pressed khaki clothes.
The chemist had already informed his friend about the
book I was researching. As we sat down and were introduced
by first names only, I told the assassin I was especially
interested in finding out why men had been returned
to civilian life with amnesia.
I mentioned the ad I had placed and the number of men
who had responded. I mentioned also that the majority of
those who responded, and who had reason to believe their
minds had been tampered with, had been enlisted men.
Career officers, he explained, were legally bound by security
oaths and economically dependent upon pensions
and the privileges of rank, but enlisted men, while perhaps
bound by an oath, were likely to separate from the service
knowing more than they needed to know. Somebody had to
man the high-technology instruments of war and those who
were merely computer fodder had to be protected against
their knowledge—they could not be trusted. Patriotism, especially
during the Vietnam era, was a waning motivation.
Their memories had to be erased. But, he explained, mind
control was not needed to make a killer. Professionals
didn't usually need to be motivated. Most members of search-and-destroy or "executive action" teams were already
willing to kill—men, women, or children—if their
superiors ordered it.
I concluded that he meant a career killer didn't need to
be debriefed by mind control. When I said that, he contradicted
me. "You want to bet?" he said. "They'd all kill, but
they might not be able to keep the secret. It would depend
entirely upon what activities they were involved in,
whether the assignment was combat, mop-up, search-anddestroy,
political assassination, or whatever . . .
"This debriefing is done in such a way, in many cases, as
to cause actual memory damage. As things have gone along
and progressed, the techniques have been smoothed out,
but memory damage still occurs. In certain cases memory
recall is so critical that they bend over backwards to be
damned sure that you can't remember.
"Many of the things that occur are not as pretty as you'd
like the public to think," he said.
"So you've witnessed many atrocities of war?" I asked.
"I don't call them atrocities," he countered. "I call them
military actions. There's a lot of conflict of interest there—
the politicians against the military . . . "
I let him rail a while about the evils of the government
and then brought him back to my point of interest. "OK,
who killed JFK, RFK, King, and who was behind Bremer?"
I asked. He didn't remember who Bremer was, so I
explained that he was the man who'd shot Wallace.
"Oh, yeah," he said. "Bremer was just a kook. Wallace
was shot just by a kook. But whoever got the Kennedys
and King probably got a gold medal.
"We were set up to wipe Castro out. Kennedy interfered
at the last minute. You want to take a guess at who killed
him? . . . Oswald was just a patsy. I've fired the same
kind of rifle Oswald was supposed to have used. You can't
rapid-fire that thing like he was supposed to have done.
Now who do you suppose killed Kennedy?
". . . Don't kid yourself. This country is controlled by
the Pentagon. All the major decisions in this country are
made by the military, from my observations on the clandestine
side of things.
"The CIA's just the whipping boy. NSA [the National
Security Agency] are the ones who have the hit teams.
Look into their records—you won't find a thing. Look into their budget—you can't. For the life of you, you can't find
any way they could spend the kind of money they've got on
the number of people who're supposed to be on their payroll.
Even if they had immense research and development
programs, they couldn't spend that kind of money.
"The CIA's just a figurehead. They are more worldwide—
like the FBI is. They're accountants, lawyers, file
clerks, schoolboys. They are information gatherers. They've
pulled a lot of goddamned shenanigans, I'm not going to
deny that, but as far as intelligence goes the NSA's far, far
superior to them—far in advance in the 'black arts.'
"The CIA gets blamed for what NSA does. NSA is far
more vicious and far more accomplished in their operations.
The American people are kept in ignorance about
this—they should be, too."
"In other words," I responded, "what you're saying is
that the military is more dangerous to our democracy than
the CIA or other intelligence groups?"
"The CIA gathers information, but the military heads
the show. Look at how many former military officers work
for the CIA. Look at how many former high-ranking military
officers work for the multinational corporations. Can't
you figure it out?"
"What are you suggesting, that there is an invisible coup
d'etat which has occurred in the United States?" I asked.
"OK. There is a group of about eighteen or twenty people
running this country. They have not been elected. The
elected people are only figureheads for these guys who
have a lot more power than even the President of the
United States."
"You mean that the President is powerless?" I asked.
"Not exactly powerless. He has the power to make decisions
on what is presented to him. The intelligence agencies
tell him only what they want to tell him, however. They
don't tell him any more than they have to or want to.
"You have to wonder at American stupidity. How much
does it take to get people to wake up to what has happened?
It's public knowledge that the CIA has falsified documents
and given Presidents fake intelligence reports so
that he can only arrive at one conclusion—the conclusion
they want them to arrive at. The Pentagon Papers revealed
that fact.
"What people don't know is that the global corporations have their own version of the CIA. Where they don't interface
with the CIA, they have their own organizations—all
CIA-trained. They also have double agents inside CIA
and other intelligence organizations who are loyal to those
corporations—I mean where's the bread buttered? Would
you rather take the government pensions, or would you
rather work a little for the corporation on the side and get
both government pensions and corporate benefits after you
retire? Most men retire after twenty years, and they're only
in their mid-forties . . . then they go to work for the corporation
they've been working for while they were in government
service. They get both the pension and the corporate
paycheck that way!
"Together with what the corporations do on their own,
they have a worldwide espionage system far better than the
CIA's. There is a network of what amounts to double
agents—they do work for the government, and may appear
to be government agents, but they are first loyal to the corporations.
They report to those corporations on the government
and on what foreign governments might be planning
which would interfere with those corporations foreign investments.
These guys are strictly free enterprise agents."
"You call these guys contract agents?" I wondered.
"Oh, no, no, no . . . Take, for example—we develop a
new death ray. We've got all the security the government
can think of on it. We've got the best security in the United
States on it, which is tied for second place for the best security
in the world. Tied for first place are the Russian and
Chinese security systems.
"Now even with all this security, before FACI [First Article
Configuration Inspection, the government's checking
system on the manufacturing of military hardware] on a
government contract—that death ray is up for grabs in every
nation in the world. Any amount of military security
can't keep it secret."
"What you're saying," I interrupted, "is that American
people are selling secrets, wholesale, to the highest bidder?
That is to say, I assume, if the highest bidder is an American
company?"
"And even if it's not," he said. "Usually it is another
nation. I've dealt with weapons and usually the nation that
wants it most will pay the most for it. Once in a while these
companies, these government contractors, will find that someone has stolen one of their secrets and there'll be a big
flap. But the big boys that are in the military are an entirely
different ball of wax . . . the big guys get away with
it.
"When one of these companies finds someone inside it
that's selling secrets, they take him on a fishing trip, a boat
ride, and get rid of him. It's quite common," he said. "For
example, if I was tied in with one of these companies where
money is no object, and they wanted me to get rid of you,
I'd obtain a passport or a duplicate passport with your smilin'
face on it. After I'd obtained it, I'd put whoever's face
on it I wanted. Then after we dumped you, that 'someone'
whose face was on your passport would take a trip to Australia.
"Later your friends or family would notice you were
missing and people would begin to inquire as to your whereabouts.
Eventually they'd check with the Australian customs
who'd say, yes, this guy entered the country on such
and such a date. By then the guy who'd traveled over there
on your passport would have already come back on his
own, and as far as the best detective could tell you've gone
to Australia and you've never come back."
"What do you know about the military or the intelligence
agencies' use of pain-drug hypnosis?" I asked.
"They used several different things. I've seen, actually
seen, guys coming back with blanks only in certain places
of their memory. Let's say that I know positively, not by
hearsay, that it's done."
"You've seen it?" I asked.
"You'll never get me to admit it;" he grinned.
"Well, how is it done?" I asked.
"They use hypnosis and hypnotic drugs. They also use
electronic manipulation of the brain. They use ultrasonics,
which will boil your brain. When they use hypnosis, they'll
at the same time be using a set of earphones which repeat
'You do not know this or that,' over and over. They turn
on the sonics at the same time, and the electrical patterns
which give you memory are scrambled. You can't hear the
ultrasonics and you can't feel it, unless they leave it on—
then it boils your gray matter."
Unless the assassin had done the same research I had, he
could only have known this through firsthand experience.
The CIA documents released in 1976 revealed that ultra sonic research was undertaken for a period of more than
twenty years. But the documents said that the research had
stopped, so I asked him about that.
"Yeah. The research has stopped. They've gone operational.
It ain't research any more. They know how to do
it," he said.
"Do you mean that it is your opinion that it hasn't
stopped, or do you mean that you know it hasn't stopped?"
I asked.
"I mean I know it hasn't stopped," he said. "For example,
suppose that a dictator in some South American country
is setting up real problems and we try to kick him out.
We call in some of my former group and say, 'Look, the
bastard has got to have a fatal accident, and it's gotta look
good—like he fell on a bar of soap and broke his neck in
the bathtub or something.' So we go down there and get
the job done.
"But it could be quite embarrassing if any of the guys
were cross-examined about where they'd been and what
they'd done . . . So the guys who were in on the job suddenly
have a cold or something, and they are put in a hospital
for maybe just a routine checkup. They come out of
the hospital in about fifteen days. They're alive. They're
well. They're healthy. And they're happy, too. Lots of luck
if you question them: they don't remember anything.
"That's one way it's used. The other way is to use it to
improve memory—say, with couriers. You want a secret
message carried, outside the chain of command—there's no
need to have it carried by a person if it's a legal message,
because the military's got a thousand ways of sending messages
which are unbreakably secret. But if it's outside the
chain of command, as so many things are these days, if it's
an illegal message, and our Constitution doesn't permit us
to do much that is legal—then you have a hypnoprogrammed
guy carry the message. You improve his
memory so that he can carry an entire coded book of what
appears to be gibberish, and when he's got it down you
give him amnesia and seal off that message by a posthypnotic
code word, and whammo! You got a real good secret
courier, because he can be tortured to death but he can't
remember. Unless the proper cue is uttered.
"Then if the courier's going to operate against the enemy,
who might have the techniques of hypnosis down, you give him several layers of post hypnotic command. In the
first layer, he'll confess a false message. In the second layer,
he'll confess another different false message. Finally, maybe
on the fourth or fifth layer is the real message.
"Our guy who is supposed to get the message knows that
the first three cues, say, are fake, and he gives the fourth
cue and out comes the correct message. If the courier was
in enemy hands he could be there for years before anybody
will figure out where he was in all those layers . . . Each
identity will probably be that of a real 'cut out'—a person
enough like him, so that the enemy will think that they've
got the real guy.
"Many of the men in my unit were given assignments,
after which they were so 'persuaded' that they didn't remember
anything. I mean to say, they'd gone in believing
that the only thing in life that meant anything to them was
completing the assignment—to get it done, and when they
got done with it they couldn't remember anything about
it."
"Could these guys have been that way without hypnosis?"
I asked.
"Well, they could have believed that their mission in life
was that particular assignment. They usually had no family
affiliations, no friends, nothing but their careers. But I
don't think they'd have forgotten about those kind of assignments.
Not without a little help, let us say."
"What was the conditioning that these guys had, was it
drugs, hypnosis, or something else?" I wanted to know.
"Hypnosis, electro therapy, programming them by tapes,
by voice-over earphones, awake or in trance, or asleep. By
a number of methods."
"How widespread was this mind control?" I asked.
"Well, it was—well, that is something I can't really answer.
I know of several different groups upon whom it was
used. I know that it was used in some of the hairier areas of
Korea and Vietnam, and it was started in World War Two,
but it has been refined far more since then. How much of it
was used, I don't know. I know of several groups that I was
affiliated with that had it used on them."
"Would you say this kind of thing did not exist before
World War Two?" I asked.
"Oh, it did. But it was not in such a sophisticated form.
It's as old as man, but now it is refined to an art. Before it was torture and psychological pressure—that can accomplish
a lot. We've been trained to use it in primitive field
situations. But now it's done with the idea that the mind
can be put under complete control. Just like they used to
use rubber hoses at the police stations. They don't do that
anymore. Well, rubber hoses still work, but they don't
work as well as some other things which the police now
have."
"Are you saying that the police also use mind control?" I
asked.
"At the highest levels, yes. The FBI certainly uses it, and
they, of course, give a lot of help to the local police. There
are certain areas of the brain which control your inhibitions.
When they control those centers, then the subject
will go on with his assignment, regardless. I've seen men
whose mother could be sitting there having coffee, and if
they'd been instructed to kill her, they'd walk right in and
shoot her, and it wouldn't even upset their appetites for supper.
They were conditioned to do it in such a way that they
have no guilt. They wouldn't have guilt because after they
were through they wouldn't even remember it.
"Let me tell you something: the cheapest commodity in
the world is human beings. Most assassins don't need to be
programmed to kill. They're loyal to command. They're
conditioned, first by the circumstances of their own early
life, then by a little 'loyalty training.' The command is their
only justification for living. It is also their only protection
once they're into it . . .
" . . . When I came out of the service and went to work
for the government, I had a colonel assigned to me as a
bodyguard. When he retired I hired him," he said, pointing
to his bodyguard. "He's still with me, and that's why we
have these . . ." He pointed to the .357 magnum—the
most powerful handgun in the world—strapped to his side
in plain sight.
"Who're you worried about? The Russians? The Chinese?"
"Well, I'll tell you. You can damned near put a pin in
the map anywhere you want. I got into military security
before the Second World War. I was just a kid. Over the
years I was assigned to thirty two different countries. So
you can draw your own conclusion."
"But what you've been talking about is a political action not a military one. How, then, as a military security man
did you get involved in political actions?"
"Well, suppose there were countries that were doing
technological research on things which could be injurious
to the welfare of the United States. I'd be one of the guys
assigned to destroy those scientists who were involved in
the research. That was with friendly and unfriendly governments.
So, naturally, if they found out that I was in on it,
even now, they'd come after me.
"In other cases I was involved in knocking off some dictators.
Then we'd change the people's voting ideas when
they had to elect someone."
I returned to the main thread of our conversation, "OK
now, since we have this mind-control technology, what is
to keep the guys in the cryptocracy or the military, as you
maintain, from programming Presidents as soon as they
take office, or immediately after they get elected?"
"I have always wondered about Nixon," he mused. "He
was very pro-military. He gave them just about everything
they wanted in the world. But he wanted to create a monarchy
with himself as king. And, slowly but surely, he tried
to take over the military and the CIA through subordinate
officers who were loyal to him only.
"All you hear about are left-wing conspiracies to overthrow
our government. You never hear about right-wing
conspiracies.
"Well, some of these right-wing groups are far more dangerous
than the left wing. The left wing's mostly kids with
dreams. The right wing is usually retired military. They're
hard. They're trained. They've got arms. But if the right
wing took over right now, there would be just a military
dictatorship, and the military would find that its best plans
were not upset at all. I'm saying if a dictatorship took over.
Hell, we've got one right now, but it ain't overt, it's subtle."
"You mean those twenty men you were talking about?" I
asked.
"Yeah . . . if the people of this country actually knew
that, they would say 'no' the next time they were asked to
go to Vietnam. We need the people behind us to fight a
war, and if they knew the true facts, who's running things,
there wouldn't be the following we'd need to defend the
country. That fact alone keeps the sham of politics and
'free elections' going." "If that is the case, then the results would be different?"
"Yes. If people knew they had a dictatorship. Have you
ever heard of a factory slowdown, a strike? Well, Russia
has run up against the problem, and so have we in supporting
the foreign dictators we support. The American people,
like most people, have to feel that they have some right,
that they're the 'good guys.' This is the reason we have
never lost a war and have never won a peace.
"You've got to maintain the sham of freedom, no matter
what. It wouldn't make any difference what party is in
charge or whether it was the elected government or what
you call the cryptocracy running it; from an operational
sense, the government would operate as it presently is.
From the point of view of people paying taxes and defending
their country, well, we found in Latin America that
people won't fight if they think that they have a dictator
who is just as bad as the enemy who is attacking.
"That's probably why it would be fairly easy to take over
the Soviet Union, short of nuclear war. The Soviets could
probably be convinced by psychological warfare that their
government is certainly a lot more evil than ours. And if
we went to war with them we could eventually win . . .
that is until the H-bomb started to fall, then nobody'd be
the winner."
Changing the subject I asked, "What area of the military
were you involved in?"
"I don't think I ought to answer that. Let's say there was
a group which first sought to solve problems politically. If
that didn't work, then there was another group which went
in and tried to buy solutions. If that failed, then my group
was sent in to be damned sure things were accomplished
the way we wanted them to be."
"So you were operational, and not research at all?" I
asked.
"No. I had been in the lab for a long time. The knowledge
I developed was very valuable in an operational sense.
I was put into the field because of this knowledge."
"You're talking about pretty sophisticated equipment,
not commando stuff?"
"Right. For example, I won't say the name of the country,
but it was a South American country. We had a leader
that we had supported there who suddenly got the idea that
he was going to go off on his own. They tried to reason, negotiate, buy off his affections. When all that failed, my
team was sent in to correct the situation.
"We went in very quietly and left very noisily. We went
in as tourists, but the important material we brought in was
the turning point. Let's say we couldn't reason with the
man anymore. We were there about six days, and the problem
disappeared. Not many bodies, just the important
ones."
The assassin was very specific telling about some of the
jobs he'd accomplished. Several included actions taken
against a well-known political figure—that, the assassin
said, was the only assassination he'd ever "blown." His rifle
malfunctioned at the critical moment when he had bis target
in the crosshairs of his sight.
I cannot say that I had originally believed the assassin's
claims, but after running the Psychological Stress Evaluator
on all the critical portions of his interview, and finding no
areas which unexpectedly or inexplicably produced stress, I
believed that the assassin was telling the truth. The newspaper
office he had mentioned was bombed when he said it
was, but he could have gained knowledge of that from
newspaper reports. The target of his unsuccessful hit was
subsequently "taken care of" in another way which did not
cost him his life.
The assassin concluded the interview with a chilling
prophecy. Jimmy Carter was then a candidate for the presidency.
"I'll tell you something right now," the assassin said.
"You've got a man running for office that is expressing the
same goddamned philosophy John Kennedy had. Now he
could be saying this stuff just to get elected. Matter of fact,
if you look into his background, you find that he was a
good naval officer. He had top security clearance. He was
trained by Admiral Rickover who, he said, had a strong
influence on his life. Taking this into consideration, you
can assume that he's a loyal member of the old boy net, so
he probably will make a good figurehead president for
those in power.
"But if he ain't an old boy and if he does believe all
those things he's been telling the voters—if he tries to implement
those reforms he's talking about, well, it's not a
question of whether he's going to be snuffed, it's only a
question of when or where." The assassin confirmed many of my own conclusions
which had been based only on research: that an invisible
coup d'etat had taken place in the United States; that the
CIA is only the tip of the cryptocracy iceberg; and that
ultrasonic and electrical memory erasure was used to protect
"search-and-destroy" operators from their own memories.
I had some indication that the cryptocracy had investigated
such techniques (a 1951 CIA document had briefly
cited the need for such research), but the assassin's disclosure
that the cryptocracy had developed invisible forms of
sonics and electronic stimulation of the brain for mind control
sent me back to the libraries.
Chapter Eighteen
DEEP PROBE
Jose Delgado stood sweating in the center of a bull ring
in Madrid. He was steaming from the heat of the sun reflected
on the sand. He felt a twinge of natural fear as the
door

book on mental projection, and a large brown envelope
from the Internal Revenue Service on which someone had
written, "RFK must be disposed of like his brother was."
At the bottom of the envelope was scrawled "Reactionary."
In one of the notebooks there was a page which was
used later in the trial to prove premeditation: "May 18
9:45 A.M.—68. My determination to eliminate RFK is becoming
more the more of an unshakable obsession . .
RFK must die—RFK must be killed Robert F. Kennedy
must be assassinated RFK must be assassinated RFK must
be assassinated . . . Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated
before 5 June 68 Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated
I have never heard please pay to the order of of of of
of of of of of this or that please pay to the order of . . ."
Also drawn on the page were spirals, diamonds, and doodies.
While Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty ignorantly told the
press Sirhan was "a member of numerous Communist organizations,
including the Rosicrucians," Sirhan's neighbors
told a different story. One said he was "very religious." Another
reported that he was "just a normal kid. He took cars
and bikes apart and put them back together again." Neighborhood
kids said he was "nice." When asked if Sirhan was
the angry type, a black girl in his neighborhood said, "Her
didn't show it." Arthur Bean, another neighbor said,
"Someone talked that kid into gunning down Kennedy."
When Irwin Garfinkel, a deputy attorney in the public
defender's office, asked Sirhan about the shooting, he said,
"I don't remember much about the shooting, sir. Did I do
it? Well, yes, I am told I did it. I remember being at the
Ambassador. I was drinking torn collinses. I got dizzy. I
went back to my car so I could go home. But I was too
drunk to drive. I thought I'd better find some coffee. The
next thing I remember I was being choked and a guy was
twisting my knee."
George Plimpton, editor of the Paris Review, was in the
hotel pantry when Kennedy was shot. He was one of the
men who wrestled Sirhan down. According to Newsweek,
Plimpton "offered some eloquent testimony that appeared
to some to support the defense's contention that Sirhan
Bishara Sirhan had, in fact, been in a 'trance' during the
shooting. 'He was enormously composed', recalled Plimpton.
'Right in the midst of this hurricane of sound and feeling. he seemed to be almost the eye of the hurricane. He
seemed purged.'"
The chief counsel for the Los Angeles chapter of the
American Civil Liberties Union, A. L. Wirin, went to Sirhan's
defense within hours of his arrest. On his second
meeting with the accused, Wirin brought the local papers
with him. Sirhan read the headline "KENNEDY'S
DEAD," then he dropped his head in grief. After fighting
to control his emotions, he looked at Wirin through tearfilled
eyes and said, "Mr. Wirin, I'm a failure. I believe in
love and instead of showing love. . . ." Then, Wirin recalled,
"he muttered something about having betrayed his
own primary beliefs."
That night, Sirhan complained of being sick. He became
very dizzy and had severe stomach cramps, just as had
Castillo and Candy Jones. For several weeks Sirhan was
given a half grain of phenobarbital at night to help him
sleep.
The Los Angeles police went through the motions of
looking into the possibility that a conspiracy was behind
the RFK assassination. They looked for the girl in the
polka-dot dress who witnesses said had been standing next
to Sirhan, smiling and talking to him just before he began
shooting in the pantry. Sirhan also said he'd been talking to
the girl after he'd drunk several torn Collinses. The girl in
the polka-dot dress was not found, and conflicting statements
cast doubt on whether there had ever been such a
girl. Forty-five "top men" from the Los Angeles Police Department
(LAPD) were assigned the job of tracking down
all leads to a conspiracy, but incredibly, they came up
empty-handed.
A bag of women's clothing, which included a polka-dot
dress and new undergarments, was found by the LAPD in
an alley, but police could not find out who'd bought them
or who'd worn them. According to Sirhan's biographer
Robert Blair Kaiser, ". . . The police and FBI hardly did
all they could [to find the owner of the polka-dot dress].
They used faulty logic and browbeat witnesses to eliminate
the girl in the polka-dot dress."1
To penetrate Sirhan's amnesia, the defense decided to
call in an expert hypnotist, Dr. Bernard L. Diamond of the
University of California. Diamond was the associate dean
UCLA's School of Criminology and a professor of both law and psychiatry. No one knew more about law, psychiatry,
and hypnosis than Diamond.
In a prehypnosis interview, Diamond asked Sirhan to tell
him about his notebooks, and Sirhan said he couldn't recall
writing them.
Diamond asked if he thought that what he had done
helped things, and Sirhan said, "I'm not proud of what I
did."
"What do you mean, you're not proud of it?" Diamond
asked him. "You believe in your cause, don't you?" (Sirhan
had been contacted by Arab sympathizers and others
who insisted that the reason he'd killed Kennedy was out of
sympathy for the PLO.)
"I have no exact knowledge, sir, that this happened yet.
I'm all, it's all in my mind, but goddamn it, when my body
played with it . . . I couldn't understand it. I still don't
believe it. My body outsmarted my brain, I guess."
"What did your body do?" Diamond asked.
"Pulled that trigger," Sirhan said.
"Does your body remember it, even if your mind
doesn't?"
"I don't give a damn, sir, in a way. Now I don't even
care," Sirhan said.
Diamond asked Sirhan if he'd thought about suicide.
"Hell, no," Sirhan said, "I couldn't do that."
Then Diamond expressed a thought which contained a
significant "Freudian slip." "Why didn't you turn the gas
on yourself, ah, why didn't you turn the gun on yourself
after you killed Kennedy?"
Sirhan waved his hand in front of his face. "It was all
mixed up. Like a dream."
Diamond hypnotized Sirhan on six of eight visits. At one
point, reliving the killing, Sirhan grabbed at his belt on the
left side. Until then police had no idea where he'd carried
the weapon. Under hypnosis Sirhan also created writings
similar to those in his notebooks.
In one session Diamond had Sirhan climb the bars of his
cell like a monkey. After he'd been brought out of trance,
Sirhan explained the reason for his climb. He said he was
only getting exercise. Then Diamond played the tape to
prove to Sirhan that he, Diamond, had given the instructions
to Sirhan to climb the cage. But Sirhan denied that
he'd done it because he'd been hypnotized. At the trial Dr. Diamond, acting as the director of Sirhan's
defense, testified that Sirhan was a paranoid schizophrenic.
His testimony was supported by several other doctors
who had examined the psychiatric "evidence" obtained
from tests, interviews, and hypno-interviews conducted by
Diamond.
Dr. Diamond did not consider that Sirhan had been
other than self-programmed. Having worked for the Army
Medical Corps in World War II, he did not realize that the
U.S. cryptocracy could develop mind control and use it to
control the political destiny of the nation.
Sirhan was given yet another battery of tests by Dr. Eric
Marcus, a court-appointed psychiatrist for the defense.
Among the tests was the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory (MMPI), which contains more than 500
questions requiring true-false answers. Psychologists interpret
the answers to the MMPI according to a set of statistical
norms. Two of Sirhan's nonresponses were significant,
since usually nonresponses are considered to be more important
than the "yes-no" responses. The questions Sirhan
did not respond to were: "291. At one or more times in my
life, I felt that someone was making me do things by hypnotizing
me . . ." and "293. Someone has been trying to
influence my mind."
By the second visit, Dr. Marcus had had time enough to
familiarize himself thoroughly with Sirhan's notebooks. On
one page of the notebooks Sirhan had written: "I advocate
the overthrow of the current President of the fucken United
States of America. I have no absolute plans yet, but soon
will compose some. I am poor—this country's propaganda
says that she is the best country in the world—I have not
experienced this yet—the U.S.—says that life in Russia is
bad . . . I believe that the U.S. is ready to start declining,
not that it hasn't—it began in November 23, '63, but it
should decline at a faster rate so that the real Utopia will
not be too far from being realized during the early seventies
in this country."
In one of the notebooks the name "Peggy Osterkamp"
was written over and over. "I love you, Peggy," in one
place and in another, "Peggy Osterkamp Peggy Osterkamp
Peggy Osterkamp Peggy Sirhan."
When Dr. Marcus asked Sirhan who Peggy Osterkamp
was, he said that she was just a girl he'd met a few times at the ranch where he'd worked as an exerciser of horses. Dr.
Marcus asked Sirhan if he'd ever dated her, and Sirhan
told Marcus the story he'd told the public defender about
the night of the assassination.
That night, Sirhan said, he had gone to a shooting range
and practiced with his pistol until the range closed. Then
he went with a friend, a foreign student named Mistri, to
get a hamburger at Bob's Big Boy Restaurant. While eating,
they talked about horses. For some reason Sirhan
showed his friend a pocketful of bullets. He then was given
a current newspaper and in it he read a news item about a
Zionist rally in Hollywood. He became very angry over this
and made up his mind to go to the rally. When he could
not find that rally, he wandered into the campaign headquarters
of Senator Kuchel and there heard that there
would be a party at the Ambassador Hotel nearby.
When he got to the hotel he was fascinated by the television
lights. He went to the bar and ordered two torn collinses.
He got dizzy and said to himself that he'd better go
home. He was reluctant to drive in his drunken condition,
and the next thing he remembered was being choked in the
Ambassador pantry.
Dr. Marcus didn't buy Sirhan's amnesia. He thought that
it was only a convenient cover-up, and that Sirhan was a
paranoid. In his testimony at Sirhan's trial, Dr. Marcus selected
another page from Sirhan's notebook to illustrate his
psychological evaluation. On June 2, 1967, Sirhan had
written:
A Declaration of War Against American Humanity
. . . when in the course of human events it has
become necessary for me to equalize and seek revenge
for all the inhuman treatment committed against me
by the American people. The manifestation of this
Declaration will be executed by its supporter(s) as
soon as he is able to command a sum of money (2,000)
and to acquire some firearms—the specification of
which have not been established yet.
The victims of the party in favor of this declaration
will be or are now—the President, vice, etc.—down
the ladder. The time will be chosen by the author at
the convenience of the accused. The method of assault
is immaterial—however, the type of weapon used should influence it somehow. The author believes that
many in fact multitudes of people are in harmony with
his thoughts and feelings.
The conflict and violence in the world subsequent
to the enforcement of this decree shall not be considered
likely by the author of this memoranda, rather he
hopes that they be the initiatory military steps to WW
III—the author expresses his wishes very bluntly that
he wants to be recorded by history as the man who
triggered off the last war. . .
In mid-August Sirhan's notebooks were analyzed by the
FBI crime lab in Washington. The pages were subjected to
photo and chemical analysis to establish when each had
been written and in what order. The FBI experts concluded
that Sirhan had penned the notes in a haphazard fashion,
skipping around in the books. The two pages dated June 2,
1967, and May 18, 1968, the lab said, had actually been
written on those dates.
An overview of the notes shows that Sirhan had been
concerned with three things that appeared over and over in
the writing: money, the girl Peggy Osterkamp, and a new
Mustang, in that order of importance—as determined by
the number of times each was mentioned.
Several times he had written, "please pay to the order
of. . . ," but when asked about this he could not remember
what it meant. He had written, "Today I must resolve to
come home in a new Mustang. Today I must resolve to
come home in a new Mustang. Mustang. Mustang."
The FBI and the LAPD located Peggy Osterkamp. She
was a tall, willowy blonde, the attractive daughter of an
affluent dairyman. A horse lover, she had once worked at
the ranch where Sirhan worked. She said she knew him
only slightly and had been introduced to him at the Pomona
Fair in 1966. She said she had never dated him.
On one page of the notebooks Sirhan had written, "Tom,
my wannest salutations. I do not know what has prompted
you to write to me. . ." And on another page he'd written,
Hello Tom perhaps you could use the enclosed $Sol perhaps
you could use the enclosed $." On yet another page
Sirhan had written: "11 o'clock Sirhan 11 o'clock Sirhan
Sirhan Sirhan 11 o'clock Sirhan Livermore Sirhan Sirhan Pleasanton . . . Hello Tom racetrack perhaps you could
use the enclosed $."
The FBI guessed that Sirhan had been writing about
Walter Thomas Rathke, his first employer at the racetrack.
The FBI found him working as a groom at the Pleasanton
Race Stables, just east of Oakland.
Rathke told investigators that he had known Sirhan, and
that they'd compared notes on the occult. He said he'd
written Sirhan twice and had asked him if he needed any
money. Later it was discovered that Rathke had far more
influence over Sirhan than he cared to admit, but the
LAPD and FBI dropped him as uninteresting.
In addition to examining the bizarre notebooks, investigators
also made note of Sirhan's unusual behavior after
the assassination. Sirhan, like Candy Jones, had a "thing"
about mirrors. In his cell he'd stare into a little mirror for
hours on end. He also practiced concentrating on candle
flames, trying to turn them from red to blue to green. And
he was apprehensive about drugs.
When asked by his biographer Robert Blair Kaiser if he
thought he'd get the death penalty, Sirhan shrugged and
said, "A death penalty would only be vengeance. What
would it gain?" After another pause he added, "I know I've
killed a man. At least, I'm told of it. I have nothing in my
conscience about it, but . . . I'm told I killed a man, so I
deserve some punishment, but maybe I could serve humanity
by working ten years in a hospital, to pay my debt you
might say." Later Sirhan said flatly, "I don't regard myself
as a criminal."
Kaiser reported, "Sirhan talked about Gandhi, and the
black revolution." He identified with both. "The Negroes,"
he said, "can see everything, but they can't eat it. Their
only solution is to dig in and eat it." Immediately Sirhan
added: "I wanted a new car. I always wanted a Mustang. I
said, 'All I need is money and how am I gonna get it?'
They're not giving Mustangs away."2 Was Sirhan implying
that he killed Kennedy for money?
The court ordered that Sirhan be fully tested psychologically
to see what his mental state really was. They gave
him an electroencephalogram to see if by chance his brain
had been damaged by a fall he'd taken from a horse two
years earlier. The EEG showed that Sirhan had a normal
brain-wave pattern. Then, just to determine if alcohol had any effect on the pattern, the doctor, who'd obtained the
recipe for the Ambassador Hotel's torn collins, gave Sirhan
the equivalent of four drinks and measured his brain patterns
again. Still there was nothing unusual in them.
But even though the EEG showed no unusual brain activity,
Sirhan got very drunk and shivered violently for ten
minutes. He became irrational, agitated, and restless. He
screamed out curses.
When someone told him, "Dr. Marcus is here," Sirhan
screamed, "Get that bastard out of here!" The doctor ordered
Sirhan taken back to his inner cell, and Sirhan
seemed confused. "What the hell is going on here?" he
asked, then grabbed his throat violently (as Castillo had),
and appeared to be choking. The doctor noted that he was
in a state of delirium.
Robert Kaiser again asked Sirhan about his notebooks
and Sirhan explained everything he could about them. He
said that they were writings about the occult, that he had
been studying the objective mind in relation to the universal
mind. "If you give your subjective mind an intense
command by your objective mind, your subjective mind
will gather the information to carry out the commands of
the objective mind. . ."
Sirhan said that he'd been sitting in front of a mirror
after he'd seen a replay of Robert Kennedy on television
reporting in 1948 on the Arab-Israeli war in Palestine. "I
concentrated on RFK in the mirror," he said. "I had to
stop him. Finally, his face was in that mirror instead of my
own. Then I went to my notebook and started writing. It
was part of the auto-suggestion necessary to get my subjective
mind to get my objective mind moving. I read in the
Rosicrucian magazine how if you wanted to do anything,
you should write it down. It automatically works toward
the realization of what you want.
"With that power," Sirhan said with intensity, "I could
have been a millionaire! A millionaire! Ohh shit!"
"Why did I not go to the races that day?" Sirhan asked
Kaiser. "Why did I not like the horses? Why did I go to
that range? Why did I save those Mini-Mags [the highpowered
bullets used on Kennedy]? Why did I not expend
those bullets? Why did I go to Bob's? Why did Mistri give
me that newspaper? Why did I drink that night? It was,"
he said, "like some inner force." "But you wrote in your notebook 'RFK must die,'" Kaiser
said.
"After the bit with the mirror," Sirhan told him, "I forgot
it all. The idea of killing Kennedy never entered my
mind, sir."3 '
During Sirhan's trial for murder, the judge refused to
authorize the use of lie detectors or truth serum. Sirhan,
like Ray, was quickly "put away" for life.
There were those, however, who refused to let the matter
rest. In 1973, while Sirhan sat in prison, Dr. Edward Simpson,
the San Quentin prison psychiatrist, submitted an affidavit
to the California courts requesting that Sirhan be
granted a new trial and that the Robert Kennedy case be
reopened.
Dr. Simpson testified that the "expert" psychiatricpsychological
testimony at Sirhan's trial was full of numerous
factual errors and misleading to the jury. "Most of the
doctors testifying," Simpson said, "saw their role as proving
why Sirhan killed Kennedy, which required a focus on
pathology (mental illness) that I found does not exist,
They failed to consider the real facts in a more objective
light and failed to consider the possibility, clearly suggested
by the ballistic testimony and Sirhan's own testimony under
close scrutiny, that perhaps Sirhan did not kill Robert F.I
Kennedy."
"Sirhan's trial," Dr. Simpson wrote, "was not handled
properly by the mental health professionals. In retrospect, a
close study of the trial testimony and my own extensive
study of Sirhan leads to one irrevocable and obvious conclusion:
Sirhan's trial was, and will be remembered, as the
psychiatric blunder of the century."
Dr. Simpson knew whereof he spoke. For six years he
had worked at San Quentin Prison and had made a study of
men on Death Row. For two years he'd been in charge of
the prison's psychological testing program. In 1969 he interviewed
and tested Sirhan extensively during twenty
weekly visits. After these visits were terminated, Sirhan requested
that his family contact Simpson for the purpose of
reviewing the psychiatric testimony that had been given at
his trial.
After examining Sirhan, and reviewing the "expert" psychiatric
testimony, Dr. Simpson discussed his findings with the prison's chief psychiatrist, Dr. David G. Schmidt. Together
they concluded that their findings did not confirm
"but, in fact, were strictly in conflict" with the findings reported
at Sirhan's trial.
"Nowhere in Sirhan's test response," Dr. Simpson said in
the affidavit, "was I able to find evidence that he is a 'paranoid
schizophrenic' or 'psychotic' as testified by the doctors
at the trial . . . The fact is, paranoid schizophrenics are
almost impossible to hypnotize. They are too suspicious
and do not trust anybody, including friends and relatives,
not to speak of a hypnotist from, for him, the most hated
race. Psychotics in general are among the poorest subjects
for hypnosis. They cannot concentrate, they do not follow
instructions and basically do not trust. Sirhan, however,
was an unusually good hypnotic subject. Sirhan asked me
to hypnotize him, which I did not do, in order not to contaminate
my test findings with fantasies. He himself had
manufactured a hypno-disk, and was practicing selfhypnosis
in his cell, an activity requiring considerable selfcontrol
which no psychotic has. The fact that Sirhan was
easy to hypnotize, as testified by Dr. Diamond, proves he
was not a paranoid schizophrenic.
"Dr. Diamond," Simpson continued, "used hypnosis in
six sessions out of eight with Sirhan. What was the purpose
of it? To plant ideas in Sirhan's mind, ideas that were not
there before? To make him accept the idea that he killed
Robert F. Kennedy?
"When Dr. Diamond was unable to get Sirhan to admit
that he wrote the notebooks, he testified: '. . . so I undertook
some experiments on possible hypnotic suggestion.'
This admission strongly suggests the possibility of hypnosis
being used for implanting hypothetical ideas in Sirhan's
mind, rather than uncovering facts . . . A lie detector, not
hypnosis, should have been used in finding out whether Sirhan
killed Robert Kennedy.
'Why was a lie detector not used? It should have been,
as it is much more reliable than hypnosis, which often provideo
contaminated results . . . Dr. Diamond's testimony
is wrong, as he states: 'I have very little or no faith in the
accuracy [of a lie detector].' The truth is, the polygraph
exceeds in accuracy certain techniques, such as hypnosis,
that tend to fuse and contaminate experiences from past
and present and also can be influenced significantly by the operator [hypnotist]; it makes a significant difference who
the hypnotist is. . ."
In 1975 when the California investigation into the RFK
killing was briefly reopened, the public learned that crucial
physical evidence, such as ceiling tiles from the hotel pantry
and bullet fragments, had been destroyed or lost by the
LAPD. And, as in the Oswald case, critical testimony had
been ignored. [The above testimony, of Dr. Simpson,
pointed to the possibility that Sirhan was a hypnoprogrammed
assassin.]
Also in 1975, seven years after the crime, former highranking
U.S. intelligence officer and one of the developers
of the PSE Charles McQuiston analyzed recordings of Sirhan's
interview with psychiatrists in San Quentin.
Sirhan said, "To me, sir, he [Kennedy] is still alive . .,
I still don't believe what has happened . . . I don't believe
that he is dead. I have no realization still that I killed
him, that he is in the grave." McQuiston's PSE analysis
showed that on this statement Sirhan exhibited very little
stress.
"After analyzing the tapes," McQuiston said, "I'm convinced
that Sirhan wasn't aware of what he was doing. He
was in a hypnotic trance when he pulled the trigger and
killed Senator Kennedy . . . Everything in the PSE chart
tells me that someone else was involved in the assassination—
and that Sirhan was programmed through hypnosis
to kill RFK. What we have here is a real live 'Manchurian
Candidate.' "4
After examining Sirhan's PSE charts, Dr. John W.
Heisse, Jr., president of the International Society of Stress
Analysis, agreed with McQuiston. Dr. Heisse, who had
studied hundreds of people under hypnosis using the PSE,
said, "Sirhan kept repeating certain phrases. This clearly
revealed he had been programmed to put himself into a
trance. This is something he couldn't have learned by himself.
Someone had to show him and teach him how.
"I believe Sirhan was brainwashed under hypnosis by the
constant repetition of words like 'you are nobody, you're
nothing, the American dream is gone' until he actually believed
them. At that stage someone implanted an idea, kill
RFK, and under hypnosis the brainwashed Sirhan accepted
it."
Dr. Herbert Spiegel, who wrote the introduction to The Control of Candy Jones, has been billed as one of the country's
leading medical experts on hypnosis. Spiegel said of
Sirhan's case: "It's very possible to distort and change
somebody's mind through a number of hypnotic sessions. It
can be described as brainwashing because the mind is
cleared of its old emotions and values which are replaced
by implanting other suggestions . . . This technique was
probably used with Sirhan. From my own research, I think
Sirhan was subjected to hypnotic treatment."
Even in the early days of the investigation, there were
those who found it easy to believe the hypno-programming
theory. Among them was writer Truman Capote, who had
for a long while been a friend of Jacqueline Kennedy and
her sister, Lee Radziwill. After writing his best seller In
Cold Blood, Capote was regarded as something of an expert
on murder. On the NBC "Tonight" show Capote suggested
that Sirhan and his accomplices had been intensively
trained and brainwashed trigger men. Their purpose, Capote
proposed, was to drive the United States to its knees
by assassinating all its leaders.
According to Robert Blair Kaiser, "With a little more
diligence than they exercised, and a great deal more intelligence
than they had, the police might have established
links between Sirhan and the underworld, between Sirhan
and the right wing, between Sirhan and the left wing, between
Sirhan and the Al Fatah. . ."5
But neither the police nor the FBI showed any interest in
Sirhan's "connections"—perhaps because there were so
many. Like Lee Harvey Oswald, Sirhan was a contradiction.
He could be linked to many different groups, all of
which could easily have had a political motive to kill Robert
Kennedy. So the LAPD did the same thing the Warren
Commission did; it took what evidence it needed to prove
its case for a "lone nut" and ignored the rest.
Defense director Diamond, subsequently explaining his
tactics in Sirhan's trial, said he was surprised when he first
tried to hypnotize Sirhan. "Most people may take an hour
or more to go under hypnosis the first time," Diamond
said. "A schizophrenic usually takes much longer, if he
goes under at all. But it took less than ten minutes for Sirhan
to go into a deep authentic sleep."
Sirhan, Dr. Diamond concluded, had obviously had experience
with hypnosis before. He found that Sirhan w write without being posthypnotically blocked. "Writing under
hypnosis is called automatic writing," Diamond said,
"and the term aptly describes the way Sirhan would write
like a robot and keep on repeating a word or phrase until I
stopped him."
Taking a sheet off a legal pad lying nearby, Diamond
asked Sirhan to write his answers to the questions put to
him in the hypnotic trance. He showed Sirhan a sample of
his diary page.
"Is this crazy writing?" Diamond asked.
"YES YES YES," Sirhan wrote.
"Are you crazy?" Diamond asked.
"NO NO," Sirhan wrote.
"Well, why are you writing crazy?" Diamond asked.
"PRACTICE PRACTICE PRACTICE," Sirhan responded.
"Practice for what?" Diamond asked.
"MIND CONTROL MIND CONTROL MIND CONTROL"
is what Sirhan wrote."6
Perhaps now, looking back, we can understand more
about Sirhan from David. David was a good Air Force
candidate for mind-control: He was an obedient soldier,
penitent, and patient. His amnesia, you'll recall, was so total,
so complete, that it took years of psychotherapy to restore
his memory. This is what he had to say on the subject of
forgetting and remembering:
"The air force used hypnosis for opening up my subconscious
mind. It's the subconscious mind that remembers everything.
That was the way it was explained to me. The
subconscious mind must trust the person who is conditioning
it. So if a person gets another's subconscious mind to
trust them, then that subconscious mind will tell them everything
that it has seen or heard from the day it was born
even back to when it was in its mother's womb.
"So under a voice or word command the information
can be brought out once the subconscious has been conditioned
to respond to the right command. It might respond
to one voice or a group of voices. I'd be given a certain cue
and I would remember what I was supposed to remember.
I was tested constantly. And then, when the meeting was over, I would be unable to remember, and automatically
my subconscious would close.
"The cue command would be at the beginning of a meeting.
I don't think you need a dual command. I think you
need only a command to start, then once something is finished,
the process stops automatically. During the training
period I'd do whatever I wanted for a couple of days, then
go back and the next thing I knew I was remembering the
computer numbers again. A word would be said and I'd
just begin remembering. They'd give a command, and if
your subconscious has really trusted the person conditioning
you, that triggers the memory. I don't know who the
person I trusted was, because I was usually only talking to
the tape recorder. I was actually thinking I was talking to
someone that was very close. That would be the person
who'd listen to the tape, I guess.
"Really I was talking to myself, but behind this was that
person—no name, no face, just that friendly, trustworthy
person who had conditioned me. And at the same time it
was myself. Who would I trust more than myself?
"They must have told me that after I got out of the service
I'd be unable to remember anything of a sensitive nature.
I suppose they told me in a way that made it acceptable.
But I don't think I ever thought I would have the
problems which resulted from loss of my memory . . .
When you can't remember things in sequence about your life,
you have no idea what that does to you. It interferes with
your whole identity."
Considering the connections between Cuba or Cubans
and Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby, James Earl Ray's
Latin accomplice 'Raoul,' and Luis Castillo's Cuban intelligence
training one cannot help but wonder whether a variation
on a scenario written in 1943 by hypnotist George
Estabrooks wasn't being played out in the assassinations.
In his book Hypnotism, Estabrooks outlined a plan in
which suddenly the Cubans had become belligerent and
were "building a great naval base at Havana, an obvious
menace to our overseas trade." He suggested that a Cuban
oil executive be hypno-programmed to spy on the Cuban
government. "Neither he nor the group in question (his oil
company) need know anything of the arrangements. The instructions to his unconscious in hypnotism are very definite.
Find out everything possible about the naval base. He
is shown maps of this before he goes and coached as to just
what is important. Nor is he ever allowed to submit written
reports. Everything must be handed on by word of mouth
to one of the very few individuals who are able to hypnotize
him . . . Under these circumstances we may count on
this man doing everything in his power to collect the information
in question."
Estabrooks explained: "There are certain safeguards if
we use hypnotism. First, there is no danger of the agent
selling out, but this would probably not be of great importance
in this particular case. More important would be the
conviction of innocence which the man himself had, and
this is a great aid in many situations. He would never 'act
guilty' and if ever accused of seeking information would be
quite honestly indignant. This conviction of innocence on
the part of a criminal is perhaps his greatest safeguard under
questioning by authorities. Finally, it would be impossible
to 'third degree' him and so pick up the links of a
chain. This is very important, for the most hardened culprit
is always liable to 'talk' if the questioners are but ruthless
enough."
Then Estabrooks expanded his point: "Far more useful
than the foregoing purpose, however, would be that for a
counterespionage service, built along the same lines. This
would require both care and time to perfect, but once
working it might prove extremely effective. Here the best
approach would probably be through those of enemy alien
stock within our own gates. Once again let us choose the
aggressive Cubans as examples. In the event of war, but
preferably well before the outbreak of war, we would start
our organization. We could easily secure (say) one hundred
or one thousand excellent subjects of Cuban stock
who spoke their language fluently, and then work on these
subjects.
"In hypnotism we would build up their loyalty to this
country; but out of hypnotism, in the 'waking' or normal
state we would do the opposite, striving to convince them
that they had a genuine grievance against this country and
encouraging them to engage in 'fifth column' activities.
Here we would be coming very close to establishing a case
of 'dual personality.' There is nothing at all impossible in this. We know that dual, and even multiple, personality can
be both caused and cured by hypnotism. Moreover, that
condition, the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde combination, is a
very real one once it is established.
"They would, as we before said, be urged in the waking
state to become fifth columnists to the United States, but
we would also point out to them in hypnotism that this was
really a pose, that their real loyalty lay with this country,
offering them protection and reward for their activities.
Through them we would hope to be kept informed of the
activities of their 'friends,' this information, of course being
obtained in the trance state."
As to the possibility of hypno-programming assassins,
Estabrooks wrote: "Strange to say, most good subjects will
commit murder. In the writer's opinion there can be very
little doubt on this score. They commit a legal, but not an
ethical murder, so to speak. For example, we hypnotize a
subject and tell him to murder you with a gun. We hand
him a loaded revolver. In all probability he will refuse.
Frankly for very obvious reasons, the writer has never
made the experiment. Corpses are not needed in psychological
laboratories."
That, Estabrooks suggests, best be left to the intelligence
agencies.7

Only an understanding of the techniques and applications
of mind control could begin to bring meaning to the
fragmented ramblings of Jack Ruby.
On June 7, 1964, Jack Ruby was questioned in jail in
Dallas, Texas, by Earl Warren and Gerald Ford. In that
session Ruby continually pleaded for a lie-detector test or
for sodium pentothal. He desperately wanted to prove his
honesty so that Warren and the commission would know he
was telling the truth.
Said Ruby: "I would like to be able to get a lie-detector
test or truth serum of what motivated me to do what I did
at that particular time, and it seems as you get further into
something, even though you know what you did, it operates
against you somehow, brainwashes you, that you are
weak in what you want to tell the truth about, and what
you want to say which is the truth."
"As I started to trial," Ruby continued, "I don't know if
you realize my reasoning, how I happened to be involved—
I was carried away tremendously emotionally, and all the
tune I tried to ask Mr. Belli [Melvin Belli, Ruby's first
lawyer], I wanted to get up and say the truth regarding the
steps that led me to do what I have got involved in, but
since I have a spotty background in the nightclub business,
I should have been the last person to ever want to do some thing that I had been involved in. In other words, I was
carried away tremendously. You want to ask me questions?"
Warren asked Ruby to just "tell us what you want, and
then we will ask you some questions."
"Am I boring you?" Ruby replied.
He pleaded with Warren to be taken to Washington
where he could be questioned in safety. Possibly either his
control agent was in the room, or Ruby felt that he was, for
again and again he hinted to Warren that he had something
quite important to say but could not say it at that moment
in Dallas.
"Gentlemen, unless you get me to Washington, you can't
get a fair shake out of me. If you understand my way of
talking, you have to bring me to Washington to get the
tests. Do I sound dramatic? Off the beam?"
"No, you are speaking very, very rationally," Warren replied,
"and I am really surprised that you can remember as
much as you have remembered up to the present time. You
have given it to us in great detail."
Again Ruby pleaded with Warren: "Unless you can get
me to Washington, and I am not a crackpot, I have all my
senses—I don't want to evade any crime I am guilty of."
Then Ruby asked that the sheriff and the law enforcement
officers leave the room, and after they were gone he said,
"Gentlemen, if you want to hear any further testimony, you
will have to get me to Washington soon, because it has
something to do with you, Chief Warren. Do I sound sober
enough to tell you this?"
"Yes, go right ahead," Warren said.
"I would like to talk to you in private," Ruby told him.
Warren seemed to miss the import of Ruby's statement.
"You may do that when you finish your story. You may
tell me that phase of it."
"I bet you haven't had a witness like me in your whole
investigation, is that correct?" Ruby asked.
"There are many witnesses whose memory has not been
as good as yours. I tell you that honestly," Warren replied.
"My reluctance to talk," Ruby went on, "you haven't
had any witnesses in telling the story, in finding so many
problems."
"You have a greater problem than any witness we have
had," Warren retorted. "I have a lot of reasons for having those problems,"
Ruby explained. Then after another exchange about going
immediately to Washington, Ruby said, "Gentlemen, my
life is in danger here. Not with my guilty plea of execution.
Do I sound sober enough to you as I say this?"
Warren assured him that he did sound sober. "From the
moment I started my testimony, haven't I sounded as
though, with the exception of becoming emotional, haven't
I sounded as though I made sense, what I was speaking
about?" Ruby asked.
"You have indeed," Warren again assured him. "I understand
everything you have said. If I haven't, it is my
fault."
"Then I follow this up," Ruby blurted out. "I may not
live tomorrow to give any further testimony. The reason
why I add this to this, since you assure me that I have been
speaking sense, then I might be speaking sense by following
what I have said, and the only thing I want to get out to
the public, and I can't say it here, is, with authenticity,
with sincerity of the truth, of everything, and why my act
was committed, but it can't be said here.
"It can be said, it's got to be said amongst people of the
highest authority that would give me the benefit of the
doubt. And following that, immediately give me the liedetector
test after I do make the statement.
"Chairman Warren, if you felt that your life was in danger
at the moment, how would you feel? Wouldn't you be
reluctant to go on speaking, even though you request me to
do so?"
Warren again reassured Ruby that he was making perfect
sense. "I wish that our beloved President, Lyndon
Johnson, would have delved deeper into the situation, hear
me, not to accept just circumstantial facts about my guilt
or innocence, and would have questioned to find out the
truth about me before he relinquished certain powers to
these certain people . . . Consequently, a whole new form
of government is going to take over our country [emphasis
added], and I know I won't live to see you another time.
Do I sound sort of screwy in telling you these things?"
"No," Warren said, "I think that is what you believe or
you wouldn't tell it under oath."
"But it is a very serious situation," Ruby said, "I guess it
is too late to stop it, isn't it? Now maybe something can be saved. It may not be too late, whatever happens, if out
President, Lyndon Johnson, knew the truth from me . .
But if I am eliminated, there won't be any way of knowing,
"Right now, when I leave your presence now, I am the
only one that can bring out the truth to our President, who
believes in righteousness and justice. But he has been told,
I am certain, that I was part of a plot to assassinate the
President. I know your hands are tied; you are helpless."
Earl Warren said, "Mr. Ruby, I think I can say this to
you, that if he has been told any such thing, there is no
indication of any kind that he believes it."
When it became apparent that Warren did not realize
Ruby had intended to confess to being a part of the plot to
kill President Kennedy, Ruby exploded. "I am sorry, Chief
Justice Warren, I thought I would be very effective in telling
you what I have said here. But in all fairness to everyone,
maybe all I want to do is beg that if they found out I
was telling the truth, maybe they can succeed in what their
motives are, but maybe my people won't be tortured and
mutilated . . ."
Warren could find no meaning in Ruby's testimony. He
merely assured him that neither he nor his family would be
tortured or mutilated by anyone. "You may be sure of
that," the Chief Justice added.
"No," Ruby answered. "The only way you can do it is if
he knows the truth, that I am telling the truth, and why I
was down in that basement Sunday morning, and maybe
some sense of decency will come out and they can still fulfill
their plan, as I stated before, without my people going
through torture and mutilation."
Warren assured Ruby that the President would know everything
he had said. "But I won't be around, Chief Justice,"
Ruby said. "I won't be around to tell the President."
Then one of the aides asked the first intelligent question
of the day, "Who do you think is going to eliminate you,
Jack?"
Ruby replied, "I have been used for a purpose, and there
will be a certain tragic occurrence happening if you don't
take my testimony and somehow vindicate me so my people
don't suffer because of what I have done . . ."
Jack Ruby was subsequently given a polygraph test
which proved to be inconclusive due to high levels of stress. In 1965 syndicated columnist Dorothy Kilgallen interviewed
Ruby in bis Dallas cell. She was the only major
journalist allowed to interview him. She told a few friends
that from what Ruby had told her, she was able to obtain
evidence that would "blow the JFK case sky high." Within
a few days, Dorothy Kilgallen died of a massive overdose
of barbiturates combined with alcohol. Her apartment was
found in shambles. The transcripts of her interview with
Ruby were missing. Her death was ruled a suicide.
In early 1967 Ruby complained that he was being poisoned.
He was diagnosed as having cancer, but a few weeks
after complaining of being poisoned, he died not of the cancer,
but of a "stroke" similar to the one that had killed
David Ferrie.
Another deathbed confession supports what Jack Ruby
was trying to tell the Warren Commission. That confession
was made by Professor George de Mohrenschildt, a former
intelligence agent who was also a friend of Lee Harvey Oswald.
De Mohrenschildt was born in 1911 in the Ukraine. Following
the revolution, in 1921 he and his parents fled Russia
for Poland. He attended a Polish military academy for a
year, and later, in 1938, received a doctorate in international
commerce. He emigrated to the United States soon
thereafter and, in 1949, became a citizen.
After becoming interested in the exploration and generation
of oil, de Mohrenschildt received his master's degree
in petroleum geology and petroleum engineering. Sometime
thereafter he became acquainted with right-wing oil magnate
H. L. Hunt. Although the basis of their relationship is
unknown, de Mohrenschildt, in a recent interview with
Dutch journalist Willem Oltmans, stated, "I knew Hunt,
now the late Mr. Hunt, intimately. For some twenty years I
was invited to his parties."
FBI disclosures in 1976 suggested that Lee Harvey
Oswald was also acquainted with Hunt. And de Mohrenschildt
knew Oswald. Apparently he had introduced himself
to Oswald after hearing about him through a Russianspeaking
group in the Dallas-Fort Worth area.
Marina Oswald told the Warren Commission: "Lee did
not have any close friends, but at least he had—here in
America—he had a great deal of respect for de Mohren schildt . . . he considered him to be smart, to be full of
joy of living, a very energetic and very sympathetic person
. . ."
It was the conclusion of the Warren Commission, after
extensive investigation, that de Mohrenschildt had exhibited
no signs of subversive or disloyal conduct. The Warren
Report stated: "Neither the FBI, CIA, nor any witness
contacted by the Commission has provided any information
linking de Mohrenschildt to subversive or extremist organi-.
zations. Nor has there been any evidence linking them in
any way with the assassination of President Kennedy."
It was subsequently revealed, however, that de Mohrenschildt
had indeed been associated with various intelligence
operations over the years. He was connected with French intelligence
during World War II and was also linked to the
CIA Bay of Pigs operation.
In late March, 1977, de Mohrenschildt's name was
brought before the newly formed House Select Committee
on Assassinations. Willem Oltmans told the committee that
de Mohrenschildt held the key to the Kennedy assassination;
that de Mohrenschildt had privately confessed to him
that prior to the assassination he was aware of a conspiracy
to murder the President in Dallas. According to Oltmans
de Mohrenschildt was about to have a book published
which would reveal the details of his knowledge of the assassination.
After Oltmans' testimony, a spokesman for the House
Committee on Assassinations said that the committee
would investigate his claims and would, if warranted, track
down de Mohrenschildt for questioning. He was located a
week later in Palm Beach, Florida, but he could not be
called to testify. George de Mohrenschildt was found dead,
the victim of a gunshot wound in the head. Local officials
termed his death a suicide.
Following de Mohrenschildt's death, his Dallas attorney)
Pat Russell, supported Oltmans' claims to the Commission.
He verified the fact that before his death, de Mohrenschildt
had insisted that persons other than Lee Harvey Oswald
had participated in the slaying of President Kennedy. The
attorney revealed that he had in his possession tapes, a
book-length manuscript, and a photograph which de Mohrenschildt
had turned over to him earlier. He said the tapes
consisted of ten reels of interviews with de Mohrenschildt bout the Kennedy assassination, which, he claimed, were
firsthand accounts of the late professor's recollections of
Oswald.
Russell said that although he did not know if the tapes or
the book contained any new evidence, the photograph
should be of particular interest to assassination investigators.
He claimed that although the photo was similar to a
well-known picture obtained by the Dallas police which
showed Lee Harvey Oswald holding a rifle and wearing a
pistol, what made the photograph interesting was that it
was autographed on the back by Oswald and dated May 4,
1963, approximately six months prior to the assassination.
After de Mohrenschildt's death Willem Oltmans released
a portion of his interview with the deceased. Oltmans described
him as "Oswald's most intimate friend," and, without
offering an explanation, said that he had been ultimate
with Oswald during "the years when Oswald's brain was
being programmed toward the murder of the century."
In the interview dated February 23, 1977, de Mohrenschildt
told Oltmans "In June, 1976, I completed a manuscript.
That's when disaster struck. You see, in that book I
played the devil's advocate. Without directly implicating
myself as an accomplice in the JFK assassination I still
mentioned a number of names, particularly of FBI and
CIA officials who apparently may not be exposed under
any circumstances. I was drugged surreptitiously. As a result
I was committed to a mental hospital. I was there eight
weeks and was given electric shocks and as a consequence
I sometimes forget certain details temporarily . . ."
De Mohrenschildt went on to say that as a result of the
drugs and shocks, he could take no more. "I tried to commit
suicide five times . . . One of these days I will put a
revolver to my head . . ."
According to Oltmans, de Mohrenschildt left Dallas in
the middle of the night on March 3, 1977, telling him, "I
don't want anybody to see me." Oltmans reported that at
that time de Mohrenschildt was in a state of panic, constantly
worried whether "they" would let him leave the
country. "He always felt watched and followed," Oltmans
said. "I really cannot see how somebody who does not have
anything to hide would develop such behavior."1
On the day he died, George de Mohrenschildt was being
interviewed by author Edward Jay Epstein for his book The Legend of Lee Harvey Oswald. They broke for lunch at
one o'clock and Epstein walked de Mohrenschildt to his
car. They were supposed to resume the interview at three
P.M., and when de Mohrenschildt didn't return, Epstein
called his room and heard a distraught maid tell him that
de Mohrenschildt had taken his own life. De Mohrenschildt's
daughter, Alexandra, told Epstein that she believes her
father took his own life after having had a post-hypnotic
suggestion triggered by a voice over the telephone in his
room.
The last days of George de Mohrenschildt sound strikingly
similar to those of the victims of mind control. Could
it have been that when drugs and "electric shock" failed to
erase his memory, the final solution was prescribed? Or
was he programmed to self-destruct? On April 4, 1968, Nobel laureate Dr. Martin Luther
King was murdered on a second-floor balcony of the Lorraine
Motel in Memphis, Tennessee. Half of the sixthousand-
man FBI force was assigned to the task of bringing
the killer to justice.
The FBI should have had an easy job. There was an
abundance of evidence left behind on the second floor of a
rooming house a block from the Lorraine Motel. There
were fingerprints on the window ledge of a bathroom next
to a room which had been rented to an "Eric S. Galt." On
the sidewalk in front of the house was a weapon, a highpowered
rifle with telescopic sight. Neighbors said they had
seen a white Mustang roar away moments after the shooting.
Nevertheless, the killer got away.
A ham radio operator broadcasting from a fixed station
posed as a CB operator in a mobile unit. He broadcast a
convincing account of a high-speed chase between a white
Mustang and a blue Pontiac. He reported that the two cars
Were shooting at each other. While police concentrated
their search in the area described by the ham operator, the
white Mustang they were seeking sped away from Mem-
Phis in the other direction. The ham operator's actions
were explained away by authorities as a hoax. Within a few
days local police and federal authorities forgot the incident.
While the use of a high-powered ham radio on the elevenmeter
CB band and the broadcasting of false emergency
information are two clear violations of the Federal Com "prankster" are not known.
The FBI soon discovered that the fingerprints left at the
scene of the crime belonged to the man who had rented the
room, Eric S. Gait. Through a computer search they later
found that Galt's real name was James Earl Ray.
The day after Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated in
Los Angeles, James Earl Ray was captured in London. He
was apprehended by British customs inspectors while attempting
to leave the country on a passport issued to a
Canadian constable.
Ray was quickly extradited to Tennessee for trial. The
lengthy search and investigation, billed as "the most complete
manhunt in history," was followed by one of the shortest
trials in history. On March 10, 1969, less than one
year after the assassination, Ray had his day in court, literally.
By most standards his was not a trial but a deal. The
deal had been arranged by Ray's attorneys, who had urged
him to plead guilty so that he would get ninety-nine years
instead of the death penalty.
Under Tennessee law, even if a defendant enters a guilty
plea, a jury is required to attend the plea and to "ratify"
the plea and the sentence. In a courtroom sealed by the
tightest possible security, twelve jurors heard the prosecutor,
State Attorney General Phil Canale, explain to Ray his
rights to a trial by jury. They heard Ray plead guilty to
murder in exchange for the ninety-nine-year sentence. They
heard prosecutor Canale say that, as required by law, he
would outline the evidence which would have been presented
had the case gone to formal trial. Canale then asked
the jury if they each could sit as jurors and accept the
guilty plea from the defendant. They nodded in unison.
Canale told the jury: " . . . There have been rumors
going all around—perhaps some of you have heard them—
that Mr. James Earl Ray was a dupe in this thing, or a fall
guy or a member of a conspiracy to kill Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr.
"I want to state to you, as your Attorney General, that
we have no proof other than that Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., was killed by James Earl Ray, and James Earl Ray
alone, not in concert with anyone else. Our office has examined
over five thousand printed pages of investigation
work done by local police, by national police organizations, examined over three hundred physical bits of evidence
physical exhibits. Three men in my office, Mr. Dwyer, Mr.
Beasly and Mr. John Carlisle, the Chief Investigator of the
Attorney General's Office. . . have traveled thousands of
miles all over this country and to many cities in foreign
countries on this investigation, our own independent investigation,
and I just state to you frankly that we have no
evidence that there was any conspiracy involved in this. . ."
The state had not charged Ray with conspiracy; it had
charged him with murder in the first degree. Nevertheless
the prosecutor felt compelled to deny that Ray had collaborators.*
Stranger still was the reaction of defense attorney Percy
Foreman, a man who had never lost a case, to the remarks
of the prosecuting attorney. As soon as Canale had finished
issuing his disclaimer of conspiracy, Foreman rose and
faced the jury. "It is an honor to appear in this Court for
this case. I never expected or had any idea when I entered
this case that I would be able to accomplish anything except
perhaps save the defendant's life . . . It took me a
month to convince myself of that fact which the Attorney
General of these United States, and J. Edgar Hoover of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation announced last July, that
is, what Mr. Canale has told you—that there was not a
conspiracy."
Just as the jury was that I haven't agreed to in the past," Ray answered, making
sure he didn't blow the deal.
Foreman tried to explain. "I think that what he said is
that he doesn't agree that Ramsey Clark is right, or that J.
Edgar Hoover is right. I didn't argue that as evidence in
this case, I simply stated that, underwriting the statement
of General Canale [sic] that they had made the same statement.
You are not required to agree with it all."
The judge wanted nothing to sidetrack the smooth proceedings.
"You still . . . your answers to these questions
that I asked you would still be the same? Is that correct?"
"Yes, sir," Ray answered.
And so the proceedings continued with Canale's presentation
of a report of what would have been the evidence
had this been a real trial.
After hearing from eyewitnesses that Dr. King had been
killed on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel, Canale called
experts from the Memphis Police Department and the FBI
to testify on how they had accumulated physical evidence
that linked Ray to the scene of the crime.
In the boarding house room that Ray (a/k/a Eric Starvo
Galt) had rented, the FBI and police found a green bedspread,
a pair of pliers and a hammer, some shaving articles,
binoculars, beer cans, a newspaper, a T-shirt, shorts, a
transistor radio, and two leather straps for binoculars. The
testimony established that the white Mustang was found in
Atlanta, Georgia. It had a sticker on it that indicated it had
crossed the border into Mexico. The pliers had been obtained
in Los Angeles, California, as had the T-shirt and
shorts. In the bathroom from where the shot was supposed
to have been fired, the investigators found scuff marks in
the bottom of the tub. They found the window of the bathroom
opened and the screen forced off.
"This [window] sill was ordered removed, was cut away
and was subsequently sent to the FBI for comparison,"
Canale said, "and the proof would show through expert testimony
that the markings on this sill were consistent with
the machine markings as reflected on the barrel of the
30-06 rifle which has heretofore been introduced to you."
If this were a trial Canale said, eyewitnesses would be
called to testify that Ray had purchased the rifle in Birmingham,
Alabama, that he'd stayed at a motel in that city
and had checked out on the nineteenth of December and had returned to Los Angeles. Also Dr. Russel C. Hadley of
Hollywood, California, would be called by the state to testify
that "in his capacity as a plastic surgeon, he did perform
an operation on the nose of the defendant under the
name of Eric Galt on March 5, 1968."
Canale placed in evidence a photo he said was of James
Earl Ray, a photo of a graduating class from the International
School of Bartending.
Other evidence Canale said would have been presented
in a trial was the expert testimony of FBI fingerprint analyst
George Bornebreke. The fingerprint expert would testify
that he found "a print of sufficient clarity on the rifle
. . . another print of sufficient clarity for identification on
the scope mounted on the rifle . . . a print on one of the
Schlitz beer cans . . . a print on the binoculars . . . a print
on the front page of the April 4th issue of the Memphis
Commercial Appeal. . ." and "prints of sufficient clarity"
on maps of Atlanta, Birmingham, Texas, Oklahoma, Louisiana,
California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Mexico, all of
which, it could be proved, were the fingerprints of James
Earl Ray.
The entire presentation of the case took just under three
hours. There was a recess for lunch, after which Ray was
ordered jailed for ninety-nine years.
As soon as Ray began to serve his sentence he renewed
his protestations of innocence and began working for a new
trial. He fired attorneys Percy Foreman and Arthur Hanes,
alleging that he had not had a fair trial. He said that he'd
been "set up to take the rap" for a crime he didn't commit.
At Ray's hearing on a new trial, he stated, under oath, "I
Personally did not shoot Dr. King, but I may have been
partly responsible without knowing it."
If Ray's psychological profile made him a likely victim
for anyone who might need a fall guy in a murder, he was
equally well suited to be a victim of mind control. The
crimes for which he had previously been tried and convicted
were all robberies in which no one was harmed.
They were all remarkable for one thing—the chase that followed.
Each time Ray committed a crime he left a trail of evidence.
Each time he left the scene in either a footrace or a
hair-raising car chase, with outraged citizens or police or
both in hot pursuit. In each crime, Ray behaved like a little boy who'd just stolen money from his father's pockets and
was then daring him to catch and punish him. He was from
a deprived family, the eldest of eight children. Many individuals
who were once emotionally deprived children learn
to seek negative attention since positive attention was unavailable
to them in their formative years. James Earl Ray
fit that pattern. In the opinion of a psychologist he may
have committed his daring daylight robberies not out of a
need for money, but out of a subconscious desire to receive
love.
The only evidence which cast light on Ray's possible motive
for the assassination was an eyewitness report that he
had spoken passionately of his hatred of blacks in a Los
Angeles bar.
A few years' after Ray's sentencing, other evidence came
to light which suggested that the FBI had a stronger motivation
to kill Martin Luther King than Ray had. On November
19, 1975, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence
made public the fact that the FBI had sent a
compromising tape recording with an anonymous letter to
Dr. King in late 1964 in a crude attempt to blackmail him
into silence. Dr. King had thought the tape and letter were
an effort to drive him to suicide.
King received the package thirty-four days before he was
to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. The tape was allegedly of
a sexual encounter of Dr. King and a young woman. It was
accompanied by an unsigned note that read, "King there is
only one thing left for you to do. You know what it is. You
have just thirty-four days in which to do it. (This exact
number has been selected for a specific reason.) It has definite
practical significance. You are done. There is but one
way out for you."
A month after Dr. King received his copy of the tape, a
duplicate was sent to his wife. Mrs. King said publicly that
she and her husband had listened to the tape together and
had concluded that it had nothing on it that would discredit
King.
The Senate subcommittee said that at about the same
time Mrs. King had received her copy of the tape, a copy
was submitted to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Accompanying
that tape was a memorandum written by the FBI
Chief of Counter-intelligence William Sullivan. The memo suggested that the FBI discredit King by "knocking him off
his pedestal."
The Senate committee disclosed further that the FBI had
kept tabs on Dr. King for six years prior to his death. It
had instituted sixteen different wiretap operations and had
planted eight room bugs in its attempts to catch him in
some compromising situation which could be used for
blackmail or public discreditation. The shocked Senate select
committee members discovered that the taps and bugs
had produced "thousands of hours of tapes."
In addition, it was discovered that Hoover had ordered
some of his men to rewrite reports that had originally indicated
King was not a threat to the country. Those officials
who were ordered to change their reports readily did so,
the committee said, because they feared for their jobs.
After the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence made
these facts known, Mrs. Coretta King said what she had
feared to say before. She said she believed that her husband
had been killed by a government conspiracy.
"The way he was documented and followed around by
Hoover and the CIA, when he was abroad, it [his assassination]
would have to have been attached to the forces of
our government that felt he was a threat to the system as it
existed," said Mrs. King.
A few days after Mrs. King issued that statement, Maryland
private investigator Harold Weisberg used the Freedom
of Information Act to obtain previously classified FBI
reports. These reports revealed that directly contrary to
claims made by Canale at Ray's "trial," the FBI had been
unable to find any physical evidence that a rifle had been
fired from the window in Ray's rooming house, either on
the weapon or in the room from which the assassin had
allegedly fired. This was a crucial discovery, in that it was
the rifle alone which linked Ray to the killing.
If the rifle was not fired from the second-story room,
then, no matter how Ray's fingerprints got on the weapon,
reasonable doubt existed that Ray was the assassin. No ballistics
evidence links the rifle to the bullets in King's body,
The FBI's evidence, which was kept secret, had all the
while pointed to the conclusion that the rifle could have
been planted in front of the rooming house to implicate
Ray while the real assassin had fired from a location outside
the rooming house. A few months after Weisberg's find, Newsday published
a copyrighted story reporting that a top law-enforcement
official in Memphis had removed one particular black detective
who had been assigned to protect Dr. King just
hours before he was assassinated. The Newsday article suggested
that Detective Ed Redditt had been pulled from his
post because he had developed a contingency plan to apprehend
any assassin who might make an attempt on
King's life. Redditt's plan was to seal off a four-block area
in the event a shot was fired.
Earlier the same week, Newsday had revealed that the
Memphis Police Department had assigned "provocateurs"
to protect King. The paper charged that men who had previously
participated in anti-King riots were "protecting" the
civil rights leader at the moment he was shot.
The activities of James Earl Ray during the year preceding
the assassination could be interpreted to suggest the
possibility that Ray was a patsy in the mold of Oswald. Ray
had been to Mexico, New Orleans, and Los Angeles, places
which had figured prominently in the activities of Oswald
and the others who were indicted by Jim Garrison.
Facts which were not presented at Ray's quick "trial"
included the following: Ray had escaped from prison, one
year before the King assassination. Evidence indicated that
he had been helped by someone in his escape. During the
year he was "on the lam," he received an estimated $12,-
000 from a source he identified only as "Raoul." He had
no difficulty in obtaining a car and several complete sets of
identification. Each set belonged to a living individual,
something an intelligence agent would prefer if he were to
set up a false identity. Ray had no difficulty traveling all
over the United States, Canada, and Mexico with his fake
papers.
The contradictory history of Ray's activities in Los Angeles
led private investigators to consider, as they had in
the Oswald case, that there may have been two James Earl
Rays. One, the James Earl Ray who had been in prison,
was a painfully shy fellow who seldom opened his mouth
and hardly ever raised his voice. Fellow inmates found they
had a hard time describing him, since he maintained such a
low profile. He had been raised dirt-poor, had never graduated
from a school of any kind, and there is no record of his ever having expressed a political idea about anyone. In
Los Angeles, the "other" James Earl Ray was described as
an outgoing fellow. He enrolled in and graduated from bartending
school; he became involved in an altercation with a
girl in a bar who objected to his making slurs about the
black race; he was very conscientious about his appearance
and was an impeccable dresser, who even wore expensive
alligator shoes; and he was a right-wing politician who conspicuously
campaigned for George Wallace.
One other bit of evidence gives unity to the contradictions—
Ray had been hypnotized while in Los Angeles.
It was not mentioned in Ray's "trial," but at the time of
his arrest in London, he had in his possession three books
on hypnotism: Self-Hypnotism: The Technique and Its
Use in Daily Living by Leslie M. LeCron, How to Cash In
on Your Hidden Memory Power by William D. Hersey,
and Psychocybernetics by Dr. Maxwell Maltz. Ray had
told William Bradford Huie, "I took a course in hypnosis
while in L.A. I had read a lot about it in prison on how it
was used in dentistry and medicine."
On November 27, 1967, Ray appeared in the office of
Dr. Mark Freeman, a psychologist who practiced in Beverly
Hills. Dr. Freeman remembered that Ray, who'd given
his real name, asked to be hypnotized because he wanted to
sleep better and remember things better.
"This fellow really wanted to improve his mind," Dr.
Freeman said. "He had an awe of learning. He had a bent
for reading. He didn't fight hypnosis. He learned something."
Dr. Freeman told George McMillan, author of The
Making of an Assassin, "You've got to keep in mind that I
get a lot of angry people around here. A lot of people who
come to me want to teach me how to do it. I get a lot of
rough stuff around here. I mean psychotic, that stuff. But I
couldn't pick up on any of that with Ray. He made a favorable
impression on me. He was a good pupil. I'd show him
how to go under, and pretty soon he'd be lying on the
couch on his back and start talking. I taught him eye fixation,
bodily relaxation, how to open himself to suggestion. I
gave him lots of positive feelings of confidence."
It may have been that Freeman found Ray so suggestible
because he had been hypnotized before. His contact with
freeman and other hypnotists (he told Huie he'd been to as many as eight) may have been prompted by an unconscious
urge to undo what had already been done to him—a
hypnotically induced split personality, one which was programmed
to kill upon command, or merely one which was
programmed to run away, following his normal pattern,
but this time on command. It's easy to program someone to
do under posthypnotic cue what he normally does. And it's
a lot easier to program a patsy than it is to program a hit
man. The circumstances of Robert Kennedy's death are well
known. On June 5, 1968, at 12:15 A.M., Sen. Robert Kennedy
was shot in the pantry of the Ambassador Hotel in
Los Angeles. Karl Uecker grabbed the gun, a .22 caliber
Iver-Johnson revolver. It was smoking in the hand of Sirban
Beshara Sirhan, a Palestinian refugee.
The Los Angeles police immediately took Sirhan into
custody. At first they appeared to be taking every precaution
so that they wouldn't make the same mistakes the Dallas
police had. They taped every interrogation session with
the suspect and kept him under surveillance through a
closed-circuit TV camera in his cell. They took every measure
to protect the life of this man, the second "lone nut" to
gun down a Kennedy.
Trying to avoid anything which would be an infringement
on the rights of the alleged assassin, the police carefully
informed Sirhan of his legal rights before trying to
interrogate him.
Through the first hours of questioning, Sirhan chose to
remain silent. For some time, no one knew who the curlyhaired,
swarthy man in custody was.
It wasn't until the police found a truck in the parking lot
of the hotel, and traced it to Sirhan Beshara Sirhan, that
they were certain of his identity. Police immediately went
to his house and searched his bedroom. On the floor next
to Sirhan's bed was a large spiral notebook. On the desk
was another notebook. There was a third small notebook, a
good deal of occult literature, a brochure advertising

MKULTRA was fully operational when Luis Castillo
was programmed. It was active that same decade when
events blamed on three "lone assassins" changed the course
of history.
In a well-executed, mass indoctrination campaign employing
all the honor, prestige, and power of the U.S. government,
Americans were told over and over again that the
lives of John Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Robert
Kennedy were all taken by lone assassins—men operating
without political motivation. These three assassins—Lee
Harvey Oswald, James Earl Ray, and Sirhan Sirhan—conveniently
left diaries, underlinings in various books, and
other self-incriminating clues to establish their guilt.
The evidence gathered on the assassinations remains
fragmented and incomplete. Any event of such magnitude
as political assassination is bound to invite a large number
of interpretations. While there has not as yet surfaced any
single, conclusive proof of a conspiracy, more than eighty
percent of the American public believe there was a conspiracy.
A string of circumstantial evidence, and a knowledge
of the fundamentals of mind control invites further speculation.
In each case the method was the same—death by the
bullet. In each case the circumstances were the same—
murder in a public place in view of many witnesses. All
three assassins were men whose personal histories can be
interpreted to indicate that they were mentally unstable. tEimvied eonrc aen soutghgeer.sts that all three had been hypnotized at one
But the similarity in their psychological profiles, and the
"coincidence" of each having left a trail of evidence, did
not seem suspicious to the government investigators of the
assassination. That three assassins, from three different parts
of the country, with three different ethnic backgrounds (and
three different victims in three different cities), could all
have had the same modus operandi did not seem improbable
to the investigators. Those "coincidences" did not even
warrant their notice.
A good detective would immediately have suspected that
the M.O. of each assassin was a cover laid down by a professional
hit team.
The cryptocracy which grew up after World War II was
composed of a cadre of professionals, trained during the
war. Professional intelligence agents in both the KGB and
the CIA are trained to stick to the cover story that works,
and use it as long as it does work. Even if the cover story is
blown, the agent is supposed to stick to it and, if necessary,
die with sealed lips. The "lone nut" theory—that the assassins
of King and the Kennedys had acted alone—and the
evidence planted to support that theory, stands out as a
typical professional intelligence "cover."
The modus operandi or method of a murder is the first
of two major clues detectives use to solve crimes. The second
clue is the motive.
Those who support the "lone nut" theory point to the
fact that no clear political motive could be attributed to
any of the three assassins. Yet even to a casual student of
history each of the three murders was of obvious political
benefit to the extreme right: John and Robert Kennedy
and Martin Luther King were all independent thinkers who
could not be bought off. They worked for expanded civil
rights in a manner the right wing interpreted as being
Communist, e.g., it involved government legislation of civil
rights. J. Edgar Hoover is known to have had a personal
vendetta against Dr. King, and it has been reported that he
lost no love for the Kennedy brothers. The Kennedys were
not only on the wrong side of Hoover's FBI, they were on
the wrong side of the CIA as well. JFK fired several top
intelligence officers (he asked for Allen Dulles' resignation)
and at the time of his death he was privately talking about reorganizing the entire U.S. intelligence service. Robert
Kennedy, as attorney general, was waging a tireless
campaign against organized crime. His campaign cut across
the alliance the CIA had formed with gangsters who had
lost their gambling and drug concessions in Cuba. Robert
Kennedy was a close friend of Dr. King, and one rumor persists
that the assassins had issued a dire warning that RFK
not run for president, and that King was sacrificed to show
that the group meant business. A similar threat was issued
against Ted Kennedy when he was entertaining presidential
thoughts. Robert Kennedy's knowledge of the CIA-Mafia
link and the CIA assassination teams might have been a
motive behind the motive, assuming that fanatical rightwing
operators were "contracted" for the "Executive actions"
against the three.
The obvious results of all three assassinations would indicate
that the extreme right wing, known to be widespread
in the cryptocracy, had the most to gain. By their deaths,
the civil rights movement was severely crippled, the conflict
in Vietnam escalated, and the corrupt leaders of the
cryptocracy stayed in power.
More recently a rumor has been put forth by CBS News
and others that Castro and/or the KGB were behind the
assassinations. That theory smells like more disinformation
from the cryptocracy. The motives of the Communists
seem much less clear than the motives of misguided patriotic
right-thinking Americans. The cryptocracy was in a
better position to benefit from the deaths of the three charismatic
and humanitarian leaders than were the Communists.
Following the assassination of President Kennedy, bis
successor appointed a now notorious commission to investigate
the crime. Headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, it
included Sen. John Sherman Cooper (R., Kentucky), Sen.
Richard B. Russell (D., Georgia), Rep. Hale Boggs (D.,
Louisiana), Rep. Gerald R. Ford (R., Michigan), former
CIA Director Allen Dulles, and John J. McCloy.
After nine months of deliberation, the Warren Commission
concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone, had
shot President Kennedy. Although Oswald was in turn assassinated
by Dallas thug Jack Ruby, and although Ruby's
connections with organized crime and the anti-Castro movement were well known, the Commission found no evidence
of a conspiracy.
The twenty-six volumes of evidence which made up the
commission's final report left so many questions unasked
that by December, 1976, a Harris Survey concluded that
80 percent of the U.S. population did not believe the commission's
conclusion.
From the beginning, the investigation was slanted towards
proving that Oswald was guilty and that he had
acted alone. The commission had proceeded with haste to
put to rest forever the question: Was there a conspiracy
behind the Kennedy assassination? In its haste it had overlooked
key facts and ignored witnesses who did not support
the foregone conclusion that there was no conspiracy—that
Oswald was just a "lone nut."
Throughout the Warren Commission hearings there was
conflicting testimony about Oswald. There was testimony
that Oswald did not drive a car. There was other testimony
that he did drive, and very well. Some of his acquaintances
said he was a poor shot, too poor to have accomplished the
feat of marksmanship in Dealy Plaza. Others said that he
was a fine marksman. Some said, by turns, that he was a
Communist, a pro-Castro and an anti-Castro sympathizer.
His own mother said that he performed undercover work
for the U.S. government. Out of this mass of conflicting
evidence, the Warren Commission simply took what was
needed to support its foregone conclusion, and relegated
the rest to published transcripts or to top-secret files in the
National Archives.
There were so many conflicting descriptions of Oswald
that many independent assassination investigators subsequently
concluded that there must have been at least two
Oswalds—the "real" one and an intelligence double. If,
however, one considers that Oswald might have been controlled
in the same way as Candy Jones or Luis Castillo—
split into multiple personalities—another explanation for
the conflicting descriptions of the assassin becomes credible.
He might have been an excellent shot in one zombie
state, and in another he might have been blocked so that he
could not even aim a rifle. In one state he might have had
the ability to drive a car, while in another state he might
have had a posthypnotic block so that he could not drive.
Oswald said that he didn't kill anybody. His statement was recorded in the basement of the Dallas Police Station
on the day after the assassination. Captured on film by a
local CBS film crew, Oswald told reporters, "I positively
know nothing about this situation here. I would like to
have legal representation." In answer to an inaudible question
from one reporter Oswald said, "Well, I was questioned
by a judge. However, I protested at that time that I
was not allowed legal representation during that very short
and sweet hearing. I really don't know what this situation is
about. Nobody has told me anything, except that I'm accused
of murdering a policeman. I know nothing more
than that. I do request someone to come forward to give
me legal assistance."
"Did you kill the President?" another reporter asked.
"No," Oswald answered, "I have not been charged with
that. In fact, nobody has said that to me yet. The first thing
I heard about it was when the newspaper reporters in the
hall asked me that question."
Ten years after Oswald made that statement, George
O'Toole applied a newly developed "truth detector," the
Psychological Stress Evaluator (PSE), to the soundtrack of
the film which recorded Oswald's protestation of innocence.
The PSE, unlike the polygraph, does not have to be
connected to the body to measure stress. It measures subaudible
micro-tremors in the human voice which occur whenever
an individual experiences even mild anxiety or stress.
The micro-tremors form a distinct pattern on the PSE
chart and can then be compared to stress patterns in other
parts of the statement. A deliberate lie, especially one
which involves personal jeopardy, stands out clearly from
the other stress patterns that might represent situational
stress or vague anxiety.
Oswald was in a situation of high stress that day. He had
been grilled for hours by police. He had been manhandled
and accused of killing not only a ponce officer but also the
President of the United States.
Yet the PSE analysis of Oswald's statement showed that
he exhibited far more stress when he was talking about not
being represented by a lawyer than he did when he denied
murdering the President or the police officer. George
O'Toole concluded, as have many other investigators, that
Oswald was innocent. He could not have been consciously
involved in the assassination as a fall guy—a patsy—or he would have shown stress in his answers to these key questions
on the PSE.*
But what if he had been hypno-programmed so that he
could remember nothing of his involvement in the assassination
plot? Then every lie-detector test in the world would
prove him innocent, since consciously he would believe
that he was innocent. Hypnosis is the only reliable way to
defeat a lie detector, whether it be a polygraph or the more
advanced PSE.
Among evidence concealed from the commission was a
CIA document obtained under the Freedom of Information
Act in 1976, which quoted an unidentified CIA officer reporting
to his superiors on Oswald. According to that
memo, which had been written only three days after JFK's
assassination, Agency officials had discussed interviewing
Oswald for intelligence purposes in the early 1960s. The
same document revealed that Allen Dulles had secretly
coached the CIA on how the Agency should deny having
any connection with Oswald. According to one of the
memos, Dulles strongly recommended that CIA Director
Helms deny under oath that the CIA had any material in
its files which suggested an Agency relationship with Oswald.
Later disclosures revealed that Oswald did indeed
have a CIA "201 file."
In sworn testimony before the Warren Commission in
1964, Richard Helms applied the artful deception which
came from a lifetime of CIA training; he testified that the
Agency had "never even contemplated" making any contact
with Oswald prior to the assassination. That the CIA
did make contact with him was never disclosed to the commission.
Despite the attempts of Allen Dulles to steer commission
investigators away from other information which linked Oswald had been sent to Russia as an intelligence agent persisted.
In an attempt to scotch that rumor, Dulles told the commission
that it would be impossible for anyone to prove or
disprove that Oswald had or had not been an agent or informer.
He said, astonishingly, that Oswald could have
been a CIA agent without anyone ever knowing about it!
During one meeting of the commission, Senator Russell
asked Dulles, "If Oswald never had assassinated the President,
and had been in the employ of the FBI, and somebody
had gone to the FBI, would they have denied he was
an agent?"
"Oh yes," the ex-CIA chief replied. "They would be the
first to deny it."
"Your agents would have done the same thing?" Senator
Russell asked incredulously.
"Exactly," Dulles answered.
At another juncture, John J. McCloy said that he had
received several inquiries about the Oswald-agent rumor.
He asked Dulles point blank, "What is there to this story?"
Dulles went in circles: "This is a terribly hard thing to
disprove, you know. How do you disprove a fellow was not
your agent?"
"You could disprove it, couldn't you?" Congressman
Boggs asked.
Dulles replied, simply, "No."
"So I will ask you," Boggs continued, "did you have
agents about whom you had no record whatsoever?"
"The record might not be on paper," Dulles said. "But
on paper would have been hieroglyphics that only two people
knew what they meant, and anybody outside the agency
would not know and you could say this meant the agent,
and somebody else could say it meant another agent."
The discussion then turned to U-2 pilot Francis Gary
Powers. Dulles explained that Powers was a different kind
of agent. He had signed a contract with the CIA.
Alluding to the Oswald-CIA relationship, Boggs asked
Dulles, "Let's say Powers did not have a signed contract
but was recruited by someone in CIA. The man who recruited
him would know, wouldn't he?"
"Yes," Dulles replied, "but he wouldn't tell."
"Would he tell it under oath?" Chief Justice Warren
wondered. "I wouldn't think he would tell it under oath, no,"
Dulles replied matter of factly.
"Why?" asked Warren.
"He ought not to tell it under oath," Dulles said, offering
Warren a lesson which years of legal training made him
incapable of learning: the cryptocracy operates completely
outside of the law and, because of the power of the "national
security" rationale, it operates completely above the
law.
Dulles admitted later, while responding to a question
from McCloy, that a CIA operative might not tell the truth
even to his own superior.
"What you do," Boggs indignantly said, "is you make
our problem, if this be true, utterly impossible because you
say this rumor [that Oswald was a CIA agent] can't be
dissipated under any circumstances."
"I don't think it can," Dulles admitted, "unless you believe
Mr. Hoover, and so forth and so on, which probably
most of the people will."
Hoover, of course, had written a carefully worded response
to a Commission inquiry about Oswald's FBI connections.
He denied all association between Oswald and the
FBI.
Also ignored by the Warren Commission was information
about the cryptocracy's attempts to assassinate Fidel
Castro. Dulles presumably knew about the plots which
took place during his tenure with the Agency, but he remained
mute. Richard Helms was the only CIA official on
active duty to have direct contact with the Warren Commission,
and although he provided them with information
on a number of things, he volunteered nothing about the
unsuccessful plots against Castro—plots which would have
been within the commission's "need to know" since they
showed that the cryptocracy had practical experience in assassination
planning.
Testifying before the Senate Select Committee to Study
Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities,
Helms revealed how the cryptocracy evaded and
withheld information from the Warren Commission. His
testimony illustrated the cryptocracy's contempt for the
helpless commission, the American people, and above all
the truth.
During the Church Committee's investigation of the CIA's involvement in assassinations, Senator Church asked
Helms: "Since you had knowledge of the CIA involvement
in these assassination plots against Castro, and knew it at
the time . . . I would have thought . . . that ought to
have been related to the Commission, because it does bear
on the motives, whatever else."
Helms: " . . . Mr. Allen Dulles was a member of the Warren
Commission. And the first assassination plot happened
during his time as director. What he said to the Warren
Commission about this . . . I don't know. But at least he
was sitting right there in [the commission's] deliberations
and knew about this, and I am sure that the same thought
that occurred to you must have occurred to him."
Senator Morgan: "You were charged with furnishing the
Warren Commission information from the CIA, information
that you thought was relevant?"
Helms: "No sir, I was instructed to reply to inquiries
from the Warren Commission for information from the
Agency. I was not asked to initiate any particular thing."
Morgan: ". . . In other words if you weren't asked for
it, you didn't give it?"
Helms: "That's right sir." Nevertheless, despite the denials of Dulles and Hoover,
the rumor persisted that Oswald had defected to Russia on
a clandestine mission for the CIA. Some believed he had
been uncovered by the KGB and subsequently programmed
like the Manchurian Candidate to return to the
U.S. and act as an unconscious "sleeper agent," a programmed
assassin.
Following up on this rumor, J. Lee Rankin, General
Counsel to the Warren Commission, wrote a letter to CIA
Director Helms requesting all information the CIA had on
Russian "brainwashing" capabilities.
In response, Helms claimed that there were "two major
methods of altering or controlling behavior," and the Soviets
were interested in both. He said the first was psychological
and the second was pharmacological. "The two may be
used as individual methods or for mutual reinforcement,"
Helms wrote. "For long-term control of large numbers of
tpeero.ple the former method is more promising than the lat-
"In dealing with individuals, the U.S. experience suggests the pharmacological approach (assisted by psychological
techniques) would be the only effective method."
Helms told the Warren Commission that while Soviet
drug research was extensive, it had consistently lagged
about five years behind Western research. That was an interesting
admission, for in the MKULTRA files which were
declassified over a decade later the CIA was using the Soviet
success in mind control to motivate our own scientific
program.
Helms's memorandum told the commission that the Soviets
had adopted a multidisciplinary approach to mind
control, integrating biological, social, and what he called
"physical-mathematical research" in attempts to control
human behavior in a "manner consonant with national
plans."
But while attempting to tell the Warren Commission
what the Soviets were up to, Helms was, at the same time,
revealing the cryptocracy's own intentions. His conclusions
stated that "there is no evidence that the Soviets have any
techniques or agents capable of producing particular behavioral
patterns which are not available in the West." Appended
to the memorandum (Commission Document 1113, reproduced
here as Appendix A) were several hundred pages
of reports on Soviet mind-control techniques and an extensive
bibliography on brainwashing, which for some reason
remained classified even after the main body of the memorandum
was declassified.
The question of whether Oswald had been hypnoprogrammed
was raised in another context when New Orleans
District Attorney Jim Garrison began his independent
investigations of the Kennedy assassination.
Garrison told an anxious press he was going to crack the
Kennedy case wide open: "The plain fact is that our federal
intelligence agencies are implacably determined to do
whatever is necessary to block any further inquiry into the
facts of the assassination.
"The arrogant totalitarian efforts of these federal agencies
to obstruct the discovery of the truth is a matter which
I intend to bring to light when we have finished doing the
job they should have done."
One of the central targets of Garrison's investigation was
David William Feme, who was both a hypnotist and a CIA operative. Coincidentally, Ferrie had been in a New Orleans
Civil Air Patrol group in the fifties with Lee Harvey
Oswald. One witness said that Ferrie had been the man
who had instructed Oswald in markmanship.
When New Orleans police raided Feme's apartment,
they confiscated a number of weapons, various drugs, and
three blank U.S. passports—things that any good CIA operative
would keep at his elbow. Much later researchers
realized the importance of some of the evidence obtained in
the raid—several voluminous abstracts on posthypnotic
suggestion and a library on hypnotism.
A salesman for the Equitable Life Insurance Company,
Perry Raymond Russo, told a New Orleans grand jury that
Feme's apartment had been the scene of many "parties"
where hypnosis had been used as "entertainment." One
evening, Russo said, Ferrie hypnotized a young man to
whom he apparently had a strong homosexual attraction.
Another evening, Russo said, he himself hypnotized a
young woman and made her immobile. He struck pins in
her hand and burned her arms just to demonstrate the extent
of the control he had over her.
At Russo's request, his story was tested by Garrison's
investigators. Under both sodium pentothal and hypnosis,
Russo told the identical story he had told to the grand jury.
He testified that he had been with Ferrie, a man named
Leon Oswald, and a third man named Clem Bertrand in
Feme's apartment during the summer of 1963. The three
had discussed an assassination attempt in which diversionary
tactics were to be used.
Russo quoted Ferrie as saying that "there would have to
be a minimum of three people involved. Two of the persons
would shoot diversionary shots and the third . . . shoot
the 'good' shot." Ferrie said that one of the three would
have to be the "scapegoat." He also said that Ferrie discoursed
on the "availability of exit," saying that the sacrificed
man would give the other two time to escape.
On February 23, 1967, a few days before Luis Castillo
Was arrested by the NBI in the Philippines, Garrison subpoenaed
David Ferrie. That evening George Lardner of the
Washington Post went to Feme's apartment for an interview.
Ferrie, in remarkably good spirits, told Lardner, "A
President is no better than anyone else . . . If I were killed, I'd expect my death to be investigated just as thoroughly."
Lardner left Feme at 4:00 A.M. Seven hours and forty
minutes later Ferrie was found in bed with a sheet pulled
over his head. He had been dead for several hours.
On the dining room table was a note which read in part:
"To leave this life is for me a sweet prospect. I find nothing
in it that is desirable and on the other hand, everything
that is loathsome." Fifteen empty medicine bottles Uttered
the apartment. The medicine bottles had contained a prescription
drug for a vascular disorder.
Garrison immediately jumped to the conclusion that
Ferrie had committed suicide because of the subpoena. The
autopsy, however, revealed that Ferrie had not died from
an overdose of drugs, but from a ruptured blood vessel at
the base of his brain.
Dr. Ronald A. Walsh, Louisiana State University School
of Medicine pathologist, stated in his autopsy report that
David Ferrie died of a "berry aneurysm." Several forensic
pathologists later concluded that such an aneurysm could
have been caused by a karate expert inflicting a blow to the
back of the head in such a manner that no external damage
would be discernible.
A number of Feme's friends began to fear for their lives.
One, Jack Martin, came out of hiding long enough to suggest
that Oswald had been programmed by Ferrie to go to
Dallas and kill the President. Immediately following the assassination,
Martin had reported to Assistant District
Attorney Herman S. Kohlman that Ferrie and Oswald had
been friends, and that Ferrie had instructed Oswald in the
use of a telescope sight on a rifle. But in 1963 no one followed
up on Martin's story.
Another of Feme's friends was a Reverend Raymond
Broshears, who had roomed with Ferrie three years before
Feme's death. Broshears stated in a television interview:
"David admitted being involved with the assassins. There's
no question about that."
The Warren Commission must have had some suspicions
about Ferrie, for in Volume 24, Exhibit 2038, of the Warren
Commission Report, NBC cameraman Gene Barnes is
quoted as saying, "Bob Mulholland, NBC News, Chicago,
talked in Dallas to one Fairy [sic]. . . . Fairy said that
Oswald had been under hypnosis from a man doing a mind-reading act at Ruby's 'Carousel.' Fairy was said to be
a private detective and the owner of an airplane who took
young boys on flights 'just for kicks' . . ."*
Bob Mulholland later came forward to say that he had
been misquoted by the Warren Report. What he had actually
overheard were FBI agents saying that Ferrie might
have been involved in the assassination with Oswald; he
had merely relayed that information to his reporters in
Dallas.
In any event, there was enough substance to the David
Ferrie angle to cause both the FBI and the Secret Service
to have interviewed him immediately following the assassination.
Yet there were no reports, official or otherwise, as
to the outcome of that interview.
Those not disposed to believe in conspiracies against the
American people by its own government might well ask,
"If there is a conspiracy by a cryptocracy, why wouldn't
we, by now, have proof of it? Why wouldn't there have
been at least one deathbed confession by one of the conspirators?"
Two such confessions to the JFK assassination conspiracy
may well have been made—and overlooked.

On March 2, 1967, twenty-four-year-old Luis Angel Castillo
was arrested by the Philippine National Bureau of Investigation
(NBI) on suspicion of conspiring to assassinate
President Ferdinand Marcos in Manila.- In a series of interrogation
sessions, the NBI and Philippine Army investigators
gave him truth serum (at his request) and put him
under hypnosis. During one of these sessions, Castillo revealed
that he had been involved in an assassination four
years earlier.
Castillo told the NBI, both under hypnosis and truth
serum and also in a normal state, that he had been hypnoprogrammed
to kill a man riding in an open car. Although
Castillo did not know the identity of his target, the scene of
his supposed "hit" was in Dallas, Texas. The date was November
22, 1963.
After revealing this information, Castillo asked for political
asylum in Manila. He was quoted in the Manila Times
as saying, "I am afraid to go anywhere anyway. I am as
good as dead now."
"I don't know how I got into Dallas and how I got out,"
Castillo told reporters, "but I am sure I did not carry a
gun."
The Manila Times story reported that Castillo had arrived
in Manila carrying a Philippine passport which identified
him as Antonio Reyes Eloriaga, a returning resident
who had been expelled from America for overstaying his
visa and stealing a car. While in the U.S. Castillo had traveled
under the aliases Angelo Rodriguiz, Razo Hernandez Mario Rodriguez, Ignacio Gonzales Gradjeda, and Antonio
Eloriaga.
Castillo told investigators that a woman had given him
his initial instructions in Dallas. According to Castillo, she
was just one of many individuals who worked on him to
place him in a deep hypnotic trance for the Kennedy job.
Castillo said that he had been a private in the Cuban militia,
the Segunda Organization Defensiva in Santiago, Cuba,
when he was initially chosen for training in espionage
work. He was subsequently trained by the Defensiva at a
camp located about fifteen miles from the Bay of Pigs.
Among the members of the training cadre, Castillo said,
were a communications expert, along with some other Cubans
and a handful of Americans.
Three years later, on October 2, 1966, Castillo was arrested
in New Mexico and charged with driving without a
proper auto registration. His arrest was made under the
Eloriaga identity. Castillo was brought before New Mexico
Justice of the Peace Elmer Bassett and sentenced to four
days in jail. "The reason I gave him a jail sentence," Bassett
said, "was, I figured when a fellow has a hard time
remembering what his name is, there's something wrong
with him." After serving his sentence Castillo was turned
over to U.S. immigration authorities because he had no
proof of U.S. citizenship.
Bassett reported that "Castillo said he was from Madison,
Wisconsin, but was born in the Philippines. He couldn't
show that he was from the Philippines or that he wasn't."
Bassett also revealed that someone had called him a few
hours after Castillo had appeared before him and asked
that the man be released. "I don't know who it was," Bassett
said, "I just told them I couldn't do that."
According to the NBI, Castillo had Antonio Eloriaga's
Philippine passport on his person when he was arrested in
Manila. Based on information provided by the intelligence
service of the Philippine armed forces, the NBI had been
searching for him since February. They had evidence that
Castillo, in the guise of Eloriaga, had made contact with a
guerrilla group that was constantly plotting to assassinate
Marcos and overthrow the Philippine government.
The NBI set to work grilling their captured suspect.
They knew something of his criminal past. They knew, for example, that he had been arrested in 1962 for carrying a
concealed weapon; they also knew that two years later he
had been sentenced to a state reformatory in Bordentown,
New Jersey, for larceny. But nothing prepared them for the
shocking story implicating him in the events of Dallas.
They asked Castillo to submit to a lie detector test and
were surprised when he said that he preferred truth serum.
Suspicious of both his strange story and his behavior, NBI
officials called in a psychiatrist to examine him. But even
after the psychiatrist judged Castillo normal, the NBI investigators
still refused to take Castillo's bizarre and contradictory
story at face value.
Later, reporters connected with the Manila Times were
equally dumbfounded by Castillo's strange behavior.
One reporter described him as a "now-talkative, nowreticent
cloak-and-dagger man." He clammed up when he
was asked whether he was in the Philippines to help implement
an assassination plot against President Marcos. In his
truth serum statement, he claimed he had worked with a
"cell of Reds" to end someone's life. But during his interview
with the press he said, "neither do I admit or deny it."
When quizzed about Lee Harvey Oswald, he drew a blank.
As a member of the Warren Commission, Gerald Ford
was queried by the Philippine authorities about Castillo's
revelations concerning the JFK assassination. Ford said
that he would not comment on the Castillo story until he
had more information. A spokesman for the Dallas Police
Department said that they had no record on Castillo.
Nevertheless, the U.S. embassy did agree to a closeddoor
meeting between embassy officials and NBI Director
Serafin Fausto on the subject of Castillo. After the meeting,
Fausto refused to comment further on the story, but he did
tell reporters that, "although publication of the story has
prejudiced investigation of the case, one good thing has
come out of it; needed information is coming in from the
United States to shed light on the case."
Fausto also made it clear that leads obtained from the
U.S. embassy justified continuing the investigation of Castillo's
link to the assassination of President Kennedy.
After making an official request for assistance from the
FBI, the NBI clamped a news blackout on the story, and
nothing further was published in the press. Private investi gations later revealed that Castillo was spirited out of the
Philippines, but not before a series of hypnotic sessions had
taken place, at the request of the FBI.
The FBI wanted to have Castillo, while under hypnosis,
place the time of the Kennedy assassination. They wanted
to know when Castillo had come to Dallas, what time he
arrived at the building, and from what location he was supposed
to shoot. They wanted to know the time he left the
building, the names of any people involved, and any information
which might indicate how the plot was hatched,
and by whom.
It came as a surprise to the NBI that the FBI also
wanted Castillo questioned about the Boyeros airport, eight
miles south of Havana, Cuba. The FBI requested that the
tightest possible security be kept on any testimony obtained
from the hypnotic sessions.
In the last of three sessions requested by the FBI, Castillo
was induced into deep hypnotic trance by the ordinary
talking method in an NBI interrogation room in Manila.
While in that trance state he was questioned for more than
three and one-half hours.
The hypnotist's report stated, "Initially, the subject indicated
an admixture of desired susceptibility to hypnosynthesis
but deep-seated resistance due to the presence of a
posthypnotic block. The total removal of this block may
pave the way for maximum results."
The hypnotist reported that during the pretrance warmup
he examined Castillo and found little scars on his forehead,
chest, stomach, and fingers. Castillo told him that the
scars were the result of a car accident in the U.S., which
happened when some men were chasing Mm while he was
trying to deliver "an envelope of some kind." Castillo mentioned
that after the crash he'd awakened in bandages in a
hospital bed.
Names which were presented to Castillo in the pretrance
interview were repeated while he was under hypnosis. He
recognized the names of several individuals who were then
gaining notoriety in connection with New Orleans District
Attorney Jim Garrison's JFK assassination investigation.
But Castillo revealed that he knew some of the people by
other names.
Throughout his recollections Castillo suffered stomach cramps, said he felt a "weight on his legs," and cried out in
pain a number of times. Through the manipulations of the
hypnotist, he was able to recall that on many different occasions
he had been taken to a factory. He had always
driven to the factory in a woman's car, and they had always
entered through the front door. Castillo could not remember
the exact location of the factory, other than that it
was located "way outside Chicago." He spoke of a romantic
relationship with the woman, but while one moment he
spoke of her as "nice" and "kind," in the next breath he
said that he hated her.
According to the hypnotist's report one thing was certain.
Whoever the woman was, she "controlled the subject's
activities and consciousness like a nightmare."
Eliciting information from Castillo was no easy task.
Over the course of many interrogations, the hypnotist discovered
that Castillo could be taken to four different hypnotic
levels. It appeared to the hypnotist that each level
came closer to the truth. He labeled these states "Zombie I,
Zombie II, Zombie III, and Zombie IV." Depending upon
which "Zombie" state Castillo was in, his mannerisms and
identity changed.
In the first state, "Zombie I," Castillo believed he was
Eloriaga, and he told tales of anti-American espionage.
During "Zombie II," he took on the identity of a toughtalking
CIA agent in trouble. While in "Zombie III," again
Castillo emerged as an agent whose coyer had been blown.
At this level, however, he experienced a compulsion to kill
himself. On the day he was to have assassinated Marcos,
Castillo responded to a program he had revealed in an earlier
interrogation. He attempted suicide in his jail cell by
swallowing a bottle of epoxy glue.
The "Zombie IV" state revealed that "Castillo's" true
name was Manuel Angel Ramirez, a twenty-nine-year-old
native of the Bronx, New York. In this state he had no
recollection of his youth, except for a hazy memory of his
father, who "Ramirez" believed was a highly placed official
at "the Agency."
As "Ramirez," Castillo said that most of his life had
been spent in training with, or on missions for, the Special
Operations Group of the CIA. He remembered one training
camp where he learned clandestine and martial arts. Throughout the interrogations the theme of "programmed
agent" emerged. Castillo's testimony under hypnosis was
that of an individual whose identity had been completely
erased and reconstructed several times over.
On May 30, 1967, Castillo spontaneously went from his
normal state into a "Zombie" state. In answering Castillo's
question about transfer from the hospital to jail, the hypnotist
unknowingly said, "That depends entirely on the big
chief, you know." Upon hearing these words, a blank look
came over Castillo's eyes and all efforts to wake him were
at first unsuccessful. The hypnotist then called out a series
of phrases from Castillo's notebooks and found that the
phrases "I will win if I don't lose my nerve" and "I must
believe myself or no one else will believe me" awakened
him.
The next day was Castillo's birthday. The NBI planned
to give him a birthday party as an excuse to get him drunk
to see if his behavior changed. Castillo, it seemed, had a
huge capacity for liquor. Drunk to the eyeballs, he saluted
one of the NBI agents and called him "Colonel." "Where
do we fly tonight, Colonel?" he asked.
The agent quickly told him that he was to fly the same
mission as the last one. Castillo said, "Haiphong," then
drunkenly fell into bed. He dug his fingers into his throat
and vomited. He cried out for a doctor and between vomit
spasms, rattled out his mission to the hypnotist.
He said his real name was Manuel Angel Ramirez, his
rank was sergeant, and he was assigned to the Strategic Air
Tactical Command in South Vietnam.
He was in Saigon in January, 1966, he related, and had
flown B-26 missions over Haiphong and Hanoi. He came
to Manila, he said, to kill President Marcos in June, when
the president would make a public speech. If his assassination
attempt failed someone else would get Marcos before
the end of 1968, Castillo added.
"I am dying," he groaned, and pleaded again for a doctor.
He thought he was dying from a heart attack. "If I die
today," he warned, "my secrets die with me."
When the NBI doctor arrived, he examined Castillo and
pronounced him fit, except for his obviously drunken state.
He tried to give him a shot to calm him down, but Castillo protested violently. The doctor then asked him to take a
pill, which he did without resistance.
Two days later, Castillo was given another medical examination
by Dr. Alexis Guerrero of the NBI. A series of
tests were given to measure his breathing rate, pulse rate,
sweat production, and other functions. All of these tests
were performed in "Zombie" states I, II, and III. The doctor
noted that in each state there was a vast difference in
pulse rate, and assumed, because of what Castillo said, and
the reactions of his heart and respiration, that he was experiencing
some emotional agitation.
Sodium amytal was administered while he was in the
"Zombie III" state. According to the hypnotist, Castillo did
not even notice he'd been given the injection. Soon he began
to talk as he'd done previously while in the drunken
state. "I'm Sergeant Manuel Ramirez of the Tactical Air
Command," he said. When asked to reveal his base he said,
"You'll never know," adding, "I am a pilot. I've flown a
B-26."
"The NBI are suckers," he said a little while later. "They
thought they arrested me. But there I was, waiting for them
to get me. I know of a great plot. I am supposed to expose
it, after I'm arrested. I know I will eventually return to my
country [the U.S.]. I'll go through the motions of a trial,
conviction, and jail as a criminal. After a couple of months,
I will be released for my next assignment."
Awakened from the "Zombie" state, Castillo was told all
about these various states and his strange behavior while in
them. The hypnotist explained how he thought Castillo had
been programmed. Castillo seemed baffled by this news.
He said that he was not told by anybody about being programmed.
He said that "Papa" didn't even know about the
"Zombie" state. He grew agitated, saying that if he were in
the "Zombie" state he might even kill "Papa," and then
"the Agency would go to blazes. Hell will break loose on
the guy responsible for the Zombie."
Asked in a trance to identify "Papa," Castillo said that
he was not just a "guy," but was his real father. He described
him as having a moustache and smoking a pipe. He
said he was the only one who could send the Agency to
"blazes" if he, Castillo, was killed on this mission. He said wthhaet nh hee wgoout lbda cpke.rsonally tell "Papa" about the "Zombie"
After more than forty hypnotic sessions lasting from one
to five hours each, covering the period from April 3 to
June 25, 1967, the hypnotist reviewed the data and summarized
it for the Chief of the Defense Intelligence Division
of the National Bureau of Investigation. The summary report
not only involved Castillo in the assassination of John
F. Kennedy; it disclosed that Castillo was a hypnoprogrammed
"Zombie" who would kill on cue.
The summary report stated: "The Zombie phenomenon
referred to here is a somnambulistic behavior displayed by
the subject in a conditioned response to a series of words,
phrases, and statements, apparently unknown to the subject
during his normal waking state. While under the influence
of such a Zombie state, the subject closed his eyes, rose
bodily, walked, triggered a pistol, stared blankly, and fell to
the floor with no apparent sense of physical pain. As far as
could be determined experimentally, the Zombie behavior
had for its objective the assassination of President Ferdinand
Marcos of the Republic of the Philippines."
The report also added: "Neither the presence nor the
discovery of the Zombie states in our subject should be regarded
as noble or unique. If anything, the only remarkable
character of the Zombie state in our subject is its deeply
ingrained and systematic presentation, indicating a certain
disturbing degree of conditioning."
In a lengthy summary, the NBI hypnotist and deprogrammer
of Castillo recounted the details of exactly how he
had uncovered the key that unlocked the programmed assassin's
mind.
The letters "XBGUMIDUTYBX" were found scribbled
on the white surface of a cigarette package which was in
Castillo's possession at the time of his arrest. The paper
had been folded carefully and tucked into the back of his
watch. Castillo had told investigators that this piece of paper
was given him by a man named Luis Mauricio. Castillo
said that Mauricio also gave him money. Mauricio was
known to the NBI as a member of the Huk guerillas.
Placing Castillo in a trance, the hypnotist called out the
series of letters on the cigarette package. Castillo did not
react. He then tried calling out the letters, pausing at different places He found that when he paused between the G
and the U, saying "XBG,UMIDUTYBX," Castillo would
reply with "I am myself to kill."
The hypnotist then tried the letters one at a time, and
then in different combinations. While many of the combinations
produced no response, the following were significant:
When the hypnotist said "X," Castillo quickly answered,
"Mauricio."
When the hypnotist said "BGU," Castillo slowly said, "I
am myself."
When the hypnotist said "MI," Castillo answered, "to
kill."
In another session the hypnotist experimented with saying
"Luis Castillo" as a command. The hypnotist reported,
"A pathetic sight takes place after this. The subject turns
his pistol to his own temple and squeezes the trigger, as
many times as his name is repeated."
Whenever the hypnotist would say, "June 12, 1967, 12
o'clock," "June 22, 1967," "July 4, 1967," or "January 1,
1968," Castillo would invariably aim the pistol and squeeze
the trigger.
The hypnotist found that after the preparatory command
to put him in a trance, if Castillo's eyes were open and he
saw a photograph of President Marcos, he would, with no
verbal instructions, aim and repeatedly squeeze the trigger
of his pistol, following the photo wherever it was taken
around the room. If the hypnotist said the word "kill"
while Castillo was following this program, he would drop
heavily to the floor and remain motionless.
The hypnotist's report also includes Castillo's amazing
story about his participation in yet another organized assassination
attempt. Under hypnosis, Castillo said that the assassination
had happened "before noon." He remembered
being with a tall man, weighing about 190 pounds, with a
hawklike nose, black hair, and Oriental eyes set in a long
face. He spoke with a foreign accent which Castillo could
not identify. He said that he remembered meeting the man
along with four or five other men in an airport. They then
drove together in a black car to a building. Castillo said
that he thought the group included both Americans and
foreigners, and he thought one man was Spanish. When the group arrived at the building, Castillo said
they climbed to a second-floor room which he described
after some uncertainty as brown. The room contained
packing crates, a short brown table, a typewriter, and two
"lift-up glass windows overlooking a street."
The first man opened a black suitcase, which Castillo
described as a bowling bag with a zipper and lock. It contained
a scope and pieces of a rifle, which he assembled.
He set the scope at 500 yards and gave the rifle to Castillo.
Castillo did not seem certain about the make or caliber of
the rifle, but finally said that he thought it was Russian.
The man told him to shoot a man in the back seat of an
open car in the middle of the caravan. He said that the
man would be seated with a lady or another man. A mirror
was to be flashed twice from a building across the street, so
that Castillo would know when he was to shoot. When he
saw the two flashes he was supposed to shoot at the next
car coming into view. When he was questioned about the
identity of the man riding in the open car, Castillo said that
he did not know who the victim was.
After the man had assembled the rifle and had given
Castillo his instructions, he went downstairs. Later he
rushed into the room. "They got him already," he told Castillo.
"Let's get out of here." He then grabbed the rifle
away from Castillo, dismantled it, and stuffed it and the
scope into the black bag.
Castillo and the man rushed downstairs, got into a car
with two other men, and drove away from the building.
They picked up a bald-headed, skinny man after they
turned the first corner. Three or four blocks later the car
stopped and picked up another man.
Castillo said he was riding in the back seat between the
first man and the man who had joined them at the second
stop. As the car drove away from the scene of the crime,
this second man gave Castillo an injection while he wasn't
looking. He went immediately to sleep and woke up in a
Chicago hotel room with the woman hypnotist.
He and the woman got into a blue car and drove to
Milwaukee, Castillo said. While driving there, they heard
the news of the assassination of John F. Kennedy on the
car radio.
Within a few days after the hypnotist submitted his final
report, Castillo was out of the NBI jail and had left the Philippines for parts unknown. It was later uncovered
that Castillo was returned to the United States in 1967
and questioned by the FBI, whose spokesman said, "We
talked to Castillo and he told us that he'd fabricated his story
about the Kennedy assassination. Said he'd made it up in
Manila."
The official record says that Castillo was sentenced to six
years in the Missouri Penitentiary for robbery in June,
1971. On August 1, 1974, he was released after serving
thirty-seven months. Castillo's last known contact was with
his mother shortly after his release from prison. Since then
he has disappeared, from both his family and those researchers
who would like to question him further.
If Castillo had indeed "made it up in Manila," as the
FBI spokesman claimed, then he would have had to have
had a phenomenal memory, an incredibly high tolerance to
sodium amytal and alcohol, and virtuoso acting ability.
Neither the psychological profile nor the life history of Luis
Angel Castillo supports the conclusion that he possessed
any of these talents.

The CIA uses thought reform, programming, and indoctrination
on its own employees. Patrick J. McGarvey, a
veteran of fourteen years in U.S. intelligence service, described
the cryptocracy's more ordinary indoctrination procedures
in his book CIA: The Myth and the Madness.
McGarvey said that his indoctrination was carried out in a
classroom which was "right out of The Manchurian Candidate.
It was a cavernous room not unlike a nineteenthcentury
surgical exhibition pit."
That training, he said, consisted of "an admixture of
common sense, insanity, old-time religion, and some of the
weirdest lectures you can imagine." The most important
result of this early training, as far as the CIA was concerned,
McGarvey said, "was the attitudes they managed to
inculcate" among the recruits.
"Many among us believed in the intelligence establishment
simply because we were part of it. This attitude lingered
for years among us, and today, in middle age, most
of us still talk about the mind-bending job they did on us
during the training period. I am convinced that this manipulation
of attitudes has been responsible for keeping silent
the many men who have since left the craft of intelligence.
Because of my indoctrination, I still get a visceral twinge—
and have qualms of conscience about writing this."
McGarvey was referring to behavior modification when
he said, "CIA has a wonderful informal system of rewards
and punishments for the faithful and unfaithful."
Other fragments of information have leaked through the memory blocks and security oaths of former CIA employees.
They can be found scattered throughout the "true confessions"
literature of former spooks. They offer further
glimpses of the CIA's interest in mind control—but they
are only glimpses.
"The most impressive part of this initial CIA indoctrination,"
writes Miles Copeland, "is the attitude toward loyalty,
security, precision, attention to detail, and healthy suspicion
that it manages to implant in the minds of the trainees
. . . The fact is that this aspect of the indoctrination
has been designed by some of the nation's best psychologists,
employing the most modern techniques of 'motivational
research.' Certainly it achieves its purpose. The psychologists
resent the insinuation that they are engaged in
'brainwashing,' arguing that the effect of what they have
contributed to the training is exactly the opposite of brainwashing
as practiced by the Chinese. Instead of conditioning
a person so that he can accept only 'approved' ideas, it
sharpens his instincts and critical faculties so that he can
recognize specious political reasoning when he encounters
it. Also the psychologists believe their course imparts a
strong sense of mission, which is lacking in other branches
of government."1
Despite the CIA psychologists' defense of their reverse
"brainwashing," terrible damage has been suffered by the
people who have matriculated from the CIA's mind-control
projects. Those techniques employed for indoctrination and
"loyalty training" of CIA personnel are but the beginning
of a mind-control operation which is the most effective security
device short of assassination.
Institutionalized secrecy came to America on the eve of
World War II. From the beginning, psychology was both
the most important external weapon against the Nazis and
Japanese and the internal control mechanism for the wartime
government.
Psychological warfare was used in World War I, but by
the beginning of World War II it had taken on a new dimension.
Previously the inspiring, depressing, persuasive,
or misleading messages of propaganda had been delivered
to target populations via the printed page or by word of
mouth. In World War II, for the first time it became possible
through radio to address the entire population of a country at the same time. The effects of propaganda, so
magnified, became an important tool in warfare.
After the war, electronic propaganda became the staple
weapon for waging the Cold War. Persuasion, argument,
propaganda, and indoctrination went out over the airwaves
not only to "enemy" populations but to our own civilian
populations as well.
The full story of the OSS and the beginnings of the CIA
was not known until 1976 when a government report, The
War Report of Strategic Services, was declassified. In 1940
Gen. William J. Donovan was appointed President Franklin
D. Roosevelt's special emissary. Upon his return from a
Mediterranean tour he reported that "neither America nor
Britain is fighting the new and important type of war on
more than the smallest scale. Our defenses against political
and psychological warfare are feeble, and even such gestures
as have been made toward carrying the fight to the
enemy are pitifully inadequate." Donovan urged the President
to prepare for combat in the field of irregular and
unorthodox warfare, as well as in the orthodox military
areas.2
Five months before the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor,
President Roosevelt added one more new bureau to the
New Deal bureaucracy. It was tagged COI, perhaps a fitting
acronym for the publicity-shy Office of the Coordinator
of Information. Its leader was, of course, William J.
Donovan.
Donovan has been called "a queer figure who comes off
three-quarters Machiavelli and one-quarter boy." According
to Anthony Cave Brown, he recruited "Communists to
kill Krauts. He feared and distrusted Communists in places
where they counted. In Italy and France, he could never
quite make up his mind what to do politically; and, since
political belief was the clandestine's primary motive, his
policies often failed and, even when they succeeded, led to
interminable muddles. Likable, even admirable on occasions,
he was in fact an Elizabethan man, swaggering about
capitals in beautiful cord, displaying a fine calf for a riding
boot, but forever dependent really upon the British for the
finesse which that secret struggle demanded."3
The British Secret Intelligence Service had developed espionage
and intelligence to a fine art during World War I. They were already masters of sabotage, guerrilla warfare,
political warfare, deception, crypto-analysis, irregular maritime
warfare, technical intelligence, and secret intelligence
when World War II began. During that war they took
intelligence into the vanguard of psychology, using drugs
and hypnosis to program couriers to carry secret messages
locked behind posthypnotic blocks.
The British were the first to employ a financing device
known as the "Secret Vote," or unvouchered funds. This
was money made available without recourse to legislation
and accounted for only by personal signature. As Anthony
Cave Brown observed, "plainly, almost unlimited opportunities
for fraud existed in this arrangement."4
Donovan's COI copied the unvouchered funds financing
idea, as well as many others, from the British. He put great
emphasis on the psychological warfare arm of intelligence.
The British had also emphasized "psy-war," but Donovan
promoted it to the-degree that he made the psychological
warfare division the central control organ of the entire espionage
agency.
In 1941, after the birth of COI, President Roosevelt
asked Donovan to make specific proposals for the implementation
of his ideas for psychological warfare and the
development of an intelligence plan. Donovan submitted to
the White House a paper entitled "Memorandum of Establishment
of Services of Strategic Information." In it he clarified
his idea of the relationship of information to strategic
planning in total war.
Pointing out the diplomatic and defense inadequacies of
the then-existing intelligence organization, Donovan said,
"It is essential that we set up a central enemy intelligence
organization which would itself collect either directly or
through existing departments of government, at home and
abroad, pertinent information." Such information and data
should be analyzed and interpreted by applying the experience
of "specialized, trained research officials in the related
scientific fields (including technological, economic, financial
and psychological scholars)." He emphasized that
"there is another element in modern warfare, and that is
the psychological attack against the moral and spiritual defenses
of a nation."5
In June, 1942, the Office of Strategic Service (OSS)
was created to replace COI. Some time passed between the formation of the OSS and the issuance of its charter. The
delay was created by Donovan's controversial idea that the
psychological warfare unit should be in charge of the entire
intelligence operation. The intellectuals hovering around
OSS argued with the Joint War Plans Committee about
what exactly psychological warfare was, and who should
direct it in the name of the United States of America.
Finally a definition was agreed upon. The official definition
of psychological warfare read: ". . . it is the coordination
and use of all means, including moral and physical,
by which the end is to be attained—other than those of
recognized military operations, but including the psychological
exploitation of the result of those recognized military
actions—which tend to destroy the will of the enemy to
achieve victory and to damage his political or economic
capacity to do so; which tend to deprive the enemy of the
support, assistance, or sympathy of his allies or associates
or of neutrals, or to prevent his acquisition of such support,
assistance, or sympathy; or which tend to create, maintain,
or increase the will to victory of our own people and allies
and to acquire, maintain, or increase the support, assistance,
and sympathy of neutrals."
And, as Donovan had wished, the Joint Chiefs of Staff
decreed that "All plans for projects to be undertaken by the
Office of Strategic Services will be submitted to the Joint
U.S. Chiefs of Staff through the Joint Psychological Warfare
Committee for approval. The Joint Psychological Warfare
Committee will refer such papers as it deems necessary
to the Joint Staff Planners (JSP) prior to submission to the "
Joint U.S. Chiefs of Staff. The Joint Psychological Warfare
Committee will take final action on all internal administrative
plans pertaining to the Office of Strategic Services.""
The lifespan of OSS was less than three years. During
that short period of time it developed psychological warfare
into an effective weapon against the minds of civilian and
military populations foreign and domestic alike. To wage
effective psychological war the OSS needed background information
on United States citizens. Thus the burglary of
Private files was sanctioned. The pattern of illegal clandestine
activities within the United States, which became public
knowledge with Watergate, began in 1945 when the
OSS broke into the office of Amerasia magazine, an alleged
Communist publication. The OSS illegal entry was followed by a legal FBI search three months later, but no evidence
that Amerasia was engaged in subversive activity was ever
found.
Throughout the war Donovan never lost sight of the fact
that while OSS was a wartime expedient, it was also an
experiment to determine the nature of a peacetime U.S.
intelligence structure in the postwar period. Eventually
OSS did provide the framework for the peacetime intelligence
service through which the United States continued
the bitter moral and territorial struggle against the Communists.
By a small, humorous twist of fate, it was on October 31,
1944—Halloween, the traditional day for spooks and dirty
tricks—when President Roosevelt once again turned to
Donovan for his views. The President asked Donovan to
develop a plan for the organization of an intelligence service
which would function after the cessation of hostilities.
In November, Donovan submitted to the President his proposal
for the creation of a "central intelligence service." In
his memorandum, Donovan proposed liquidation of OSS
once the wartime necessity had ceased. He was anxious,
however, to preserve the intelligence functions developed
by OSS, so he repeated his original COI concept of a central
authority, reporting directly to the President, which
would collect and analyze intelligence material required for
planning and implementation of national policy and strategy-
"Though in the midst of war," Donovan wrote, "we are
also in a period of transition which, before we are aware,
will take us into the tumult of rehabilitation. An adequate
and orderly intelligence system will contribute to informed
decisions. We have now in the Government the trained and
specialized personnel needed for the task. This talent
should not be dispersed."7
On September 20, 1945, OSS was officially terminated
by Executive Order 9620. "Research and Analysis" functions
and "Foreign Nationals Recruiting" were transferred
to the Department of State. The remainder of the OSS
functions were transferred to the Department of War. That
same day, the new President Harry S Truman sent a letter
to Donovan informing him of the executive order to close
OSS, and thanking him for his outstanding service.
The President wrote, in part, "You may well find satisfaction in the achievements of the Office and take pride in
your own contribution to them. These are in themselves
large rewards. Great additional reward for your efforts
should lie in the knowledge that the peacetime intelligence
services of the Government are being erected on the foundation
of the facilities and resources mobilized through the
Office of Strategic Services during the war."
Hidden behind the President's compliment was the fact
that Donovan was shut out from the formation of the CIA
because of a major character flaw: he had a strong dislike
of organization. Whether Donovan was really the right
man for the job of chief of America's first intelligence service
is debatable. Success in covert operations depends upon
an efficient bureaucracy and good judgment in authority.
In many cases Donovan displayed neither. At heart he was
an activist who did not even like the personalities of conventional
administrators. Stewart Alsop said that he ran
OSS "like a country editor."
"In every respect, OSS was Donovan's child," OSS historian
R. Harris Smith wrote. "He nourished the agency in
its infancy, and it bore the stamp of his personality."0 That
stamp carried over into the new peacetime intelligence
agency, the CIA, the first in American history.
But while Donovan was the grandfather of the cryptocracy,
its techniques and much of the rationale behind
them were the work of the Dulles brothers. The following
review of the Dulles' rise to prominence shows the manner
in which cryptocrats form their liaisons.
On the evening of the day South Korea was invaded,
President Truman had hastily returned to Washington from
his home in Independence, Missouri. He gathered his principal
advisors together at the White House to discuss the
emergency. Unanimously, his advisors recognized the gravity
of the situation and agreed with Gen. Omar Bradley,
then the head of the Chiefs of Staff, who said the intelligence
reports indicated Russia was "not yet ready for war,
but in Korea they are obviously testing us, and the line
ought to be drawn now."
Quickly, Truman ordered Gen. Douglas MacArthur to
provide military protection for the delivery of arms to the
South Koreans and to evacuate American dependents. He
instructed the military chiefs "to prepare the necessary orders
for the eventual use of American units." On the fol lowing day he said he was convinced that "the Republic of
Korea needed help at once if it was not to be overrun."
Truman was given CIA reports which indicated that Korea
was a repetition, on a larger scale, of the Berlin blockade.
The intelligence reports further indicated that North
Korean Communists would eventually prove to be a threat
to Japan, Formosa, and the American base on Okinawa. It
was the first time the "domino theory" was used.
The President, acting on the advice of the CIA, ordered
MacArthur to give immediate naval and air support to the
South Korean army, without allowing him to order his
troops to cross the Thirty-eighth Parallel. (This act of drawing
a political rather than a strategic boundary set the precedent
in Asia for the use of the same tactic later in the
Vietnam campaign.)
MacArthur's zeal and military instinct disposed him
to blindness concerning such arbitrary boundaries. His expressed
urge to attack China with nuclear weapons eventually
led to his unprecedented dismissal by Truman. MacArthur
may have had the knowledge and the skill to win the
Korean conflict unconditionally, but such a military victory
in the light of history did not fit into the long-range war of
attrition the cryptocracy supported as a tool of the militaryindustrial
complex, against the Communists.
Domestic politics also served to compound the power of
the new cryptocracy, which was then cutting its teeth in
Southeast Asia. In 1952, when Dwight D. Eisenhower was
elected President of the United States, he appointed John
Foster Dulles as Secretary of State, and allowed Foster's
brother Allen, who was then the CIA's "deputy director for
plans"—the clandestine operations branch of CIA—to take
over directorship of the CIA one year later.
According to Townsend Hoopes, who served in both the
Truman and Johnson administrations, though the seeds
were sown by Truman, it was under the Eisenhower administration
that the Cold War was "pervasively institutionalized
in the United States." He described the Cold
War's chief manifestations as ". . . a strident moralism, a
self-righteous and often apocalyptic rhetoric, a determined
effort to ring the Soviet Union and China with anti-
Communist military alliances, a dramatic proliferation of
American overseas military bases, and a rising flow of American
military equipment for foreign armies accompanied by American officers and men to provide training and advice.
The posture of imperative, total confrontation," he said,
"thus came to full development during the Eisenhower period.
By 1960, the United States government was not only
positioned and determined to restrain the major Communist
powers, but also determined—through an implicit extension
of logic and the inertial momentum generated by a
large and powerful military-foreign affairs bureaucracy—to
control the pace and character of political change everywhere.""
In the chill of the Cold War, few Americans remembered
that John Foster Dulles had been pro-Nazi before Hitler
invaded Poland. No one thought, either, to question the
fact that while John Foster Dulles was running the State
Department, and therefore dealing with friendly governments,
his brother Allen was running the CIA, which he
once described as a State Department for dealing with unfriendly
governments. No one seemed at all disturbed by
the Dulles dynasty, and only a handful of people realized to
what extent the Dulles brothers held power in the Eisenhower
administration.
Lieutenant Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF) was the
Pentagon's chief briefing officer assigned to the White
House during the Eisenhower administration. He worked
closely with Allen Dulles in coordinating military support
for the various clandestine political operations undertaken
by the CIA. He knew the intimate working arrangements
of the Dulles brothers and of the cryptocracy they were
building.
In his book The Secret Team, Colonel Prouty gave a
glimpse of how the Dulles brothers "worked" the President:
"That evening, before his usual tennis game on his
backyard court, Allen Dulles dropped by his brother's secluded
house just off Massachusetts Avenue and discussed
the operation [which involved an amphibious plane and a
Polish pilot to be run under a CIA business cover]. Foster
agreed that Eisenhower would go along with it. He walked
over to the wall lined with bookshelves and picked up the
special white telephone that connected directly with the
White House operator. All he said was 'Is the man busy?'
"Foster Dulles opened with, 'Boss, how did you do at
Burning Tree today? . . . Well, six holes is better than
nothing . . . Yes, I've been talking here with Allen. He has a proposal he wants to clear with you. He feels it is
very important, and it will lift the morale of Frank's boys.
[Frank Wisner was then Director of Intelligence Clandestine
Operations.] You know, since Korea and Guatemala
you haven't had them doing much. Will you see him tomorrow
morning? Fine. How's Mamie? O.K. boss, I'll speak
to Allen . . . 9:30 . . . Thank you—good night!'
"There was not much left to do," Prouty said, "the flight
would be scheduled."
A relevant analysis of "the brother act" is provided by
David Wise and Thomas Ross. "[The Dulles brothers] embodied
the dualism—and indeed the moral dilemma—of
United States foreign policy since World War II . . .
Foster Dulles reflected the American ethic; the world as we
should like it to be. While he took this public position, his
brother was free to deal with nastier realities, to overturn
governments and to engage in backstage political maneuvers
all over the globe with the CIA's almost unlimited
funds . . .
"This is not to say that the same two-sided foreign policy
would never have evolved had the director of the CIA and
the Secretary of State not been brothers. It very likely
would have. But the natural friction between the objective
and methods of the diplomats and the 'spooks,' between
the State Department and the CIA, was to an extent
reduced because of the close working relationship of the
Dulles brothers. There was consequently less of a check
and balance."10
John Foster and Allen Dulles had worked together before
coming to government. Foster was the star attorney of
the international law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell. He
persuaded his partners to take Allen in "to soften up customers,"
which Allen had a great gift for. Eventually, Sullivan
and Cromwell sent Allen to Berlin to negotiate private
affairs with the German industrial barons before the war.
After the war broke out, he was sent to Switzerland with
OSS, where, under cover, he used his former business contacts
inside Germany to supply information for his many
spectacular single-handed intelligence coups against the
Axis.
Though Allen Dulles was more gifted as a diplomat than
his elder brother Foster, it was Foster who can be considered the mastermind of the Cold War Aberration. Foster
played upon the fear of Communists and implemented the
world-policing foreign policy of the Pax Americana which
eventually led to our involvement in Vietnam. It was his
Cold War campaign at home that made citizens tremble in
fear of Communist attack and their children crouch under
school desks in atomic air-raid drills. It was John Foster
Dulles, in the company of men like Senator Joe McCarthy
and Richard Nixon, who presented the specter of the Communist
menace to the American public. They convinced
the nation that the communists were about to unleash a
global war and even a direct nuclear attack upon the
United States.
During Eisenhower's 1952 campaign for the presidency,
he promised to "peacefully bring about freedom for the
captive nations." John Foster Dulles later repeated Eisenhower's
promise, omitting, however, the word "peacefully."
Lest we judge John Foster Dulles unfairly by the standards
of our own time, it must be said that, to his mind,
there must have seemed to have been good reasons for invoking
the Communist threat. As Senator Frank Church's
(1976) Senate Committee to Study Governmental Operations
said: "The extent to which the urgency of the Communist
threat had become shared perception is difficult to
appreciate."
More likely, there was another, more insidious reason
for the Cold War: the economy. A glance at a historical
graph of the American business cycle will show that since
the Civil War, economic depressions tend to precede and
follow U.S. wars. Dulles' generation came to power in
World War II after having suffered the longest and deepest
depression in American history. It could be considered natural
for them to overreact to the recessions of 1945-46 and
1949-50 by fomenting war—hot or cold—to feed
the military-industrial base of the economy. The research
and development of death-dealing technology created the
need for unprecedented secrecy. The instrument of keeping
those secrets was the cryptocracy.
The Cold War strategy proved to be economically successful.
Without having to risk a full-scale nuclear war and
simply by arming the world against communism through
weapons marketing, propaganda, and the psychological warfare of the Cold War scheme, the United States
achieved a capital goods boom unequaled in modern history.
In the most simple terms, arms constituted the bulk of
United States exports from World War Two to the present
and figured as the single most important industry which
maintained the United States trade balance.
The central core of the Dulles brothers' American containment
policy grew from the CIA's covert operations and
propaganda efforts. The mood of those times is reflected in
a top-secret report submitted by the second Hoover Commission
to President Eisenhower in September, 1954, and
made public by former CIA man Harry Rositzke. The report
urged the United States to make its ". . . aggressive
covert psychological, political, and paramilitary organization
more effective, more unique, and if necessary, more
ruthless than that employed by the enemy . . . We are
facing an implacable enemy whose avowed objective is
world domination by whatever means and at whatever cost.
There are no rules in such a game . . . We . . . must
learn to subvert, sabotage, and destroy our enemies by
more clever, more sophisticated, and more effective methods
than those used against us . . ."
According to Rositzke "The next year a National Security
Council directive reaffirmed the Executive's commitment
to covert operations. It instructed the CIA to continue
creating problems for 'International Communism,' to
reduce its strength and its control worldwide, and to 'increase
the capacity and the will of peoples and nations to
resist International Communism. It specifically reaffirmed
CIA's authority to develop underground resistance and facilitate
covert and guerrilla operations.' "11
Although the Cold War is generally said to date from
1948, with the Berlin Blockade and the Greek civil war,
John Foster Dulles contributed to its architecture before he
came to office in 1953. He epitomized the fearful gestalt of
his generation, took hold of the floundering Cold War
strategy, and molded it with his personality. He was fond
of quoting Alexander Hamilton, who wrote in the Federalist
Papers, "safety from external danger is the most powerful
director of national conduct." Hamilton's statement,
when taken at face value, seems quite innocent. But in the
context of John Foster Dulles' materialistic and puritan up bringing, it is not difficult to see how he construed it to
mean something quite different than Hamilton intended.
Hamilton's thoughts gave Dulles the moral rationale to try
to motivate national political, industrial, and economic conduct
by posing an overwhelming external danger—the
threat of a nuclear war initiated by the "international Communist
conspiracy."
If, at the end of World War II, the growth of our economy,
still the strongest and richest in the world, did depend
upon the military-industrial complex for sustenance, then
Dulles' Cold War saved the U.S. from certain recession.
Without the threat of communism, what could the free
world have armed against? And if the health of the U.S.
economy continues to depend on that merger of military
and industrial interests, then we may well expect to see
efforts at detente collapse and the Cold War resume as the
already inflated armaments industry expands.
In his farewell address to the nation in 1960, President
Eisenhower issued his famous warning about the militaryindustrial
complex:
"Our military organization today bears little relation to
that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime—or,
indeed, by fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until
the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no
armaments industry. We annually spend on military security
alone more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment
and a large arms industry is new in the American
experience. The total influence—economic, political, even
spiritual—is felt in every city, every state house, every office
of the federal government. We recognize the imperative
need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend
its grave implications. In the councils of government,
we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,
whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial
complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of
misplaced power exists and will persist.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger
our liberties or democratic processes. We should
take nothing for granted."
Eisenhower accurately predicted the course of history "The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal
employment, project allocations, and the power of
money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded.
"Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect,
as we should, we must be alert to the equal and
opposite danger that public policy could itself become the
captive of a scientific-technological elite."
The Cold War was World War III—a war waged
largely with words. Yet the men who had won World War
II with advanced weaponry were less artful in the use of the
new psychological warfare. As the Cold War escalated,
propaganda was followed by sabotage, assassinations, "paramilitary"
covert operations, and limited "police actions."
America had traditionally been a free and open society.
But after the war, U.S. leaders held in their hands an awesome
technological superiority. While being the love object
of government, the new technologies, especially nuclear energy,
made the leaders fearful of losing their monopoly.
That fear gave rise to the belief that new secret agencies
and operations were needed to guard against technological
thefts by foreign governments. The Cold War was a "secret"
war in more ways than one.
The psychological war, originally waged only against
"enemy" countries, was nevertheless created at home. It
was used within the United States, against beliefs and free
thought, by a secret bureaucracy which is still supported by
all the power of the federal government, but which operates
outside the chain of government command. It is a secret
bureaucracy become paranoid—a cryptocracy mad with
world power.
Although the Central Intelligence Agency has long been
the convenient symbol for all those who have committed
atrocities in the name of national security, the secret bureaucracy,
the cryptocracy, does not consist solely of the
CIA. It is as well a vast network of alliances between individuals
in a number of government agencies normally
thought to be outside the intelligence field.
Since the cryptocracy violates every constitutional principle
as a matter of course, and commits every crime
known to man in the interest of "national security," it cannot
entirely rely on the patriotism of its agents to keep its
secrets. Therefore, no single individual is told more than he
has a "need to know." The cryptocracy is a brotherhood reminiscent of the ancient
secret societies, with rites of initiation and indoctrination
programs to develop in its loyal membership the special
understanding of its mysteries. It has secret codes and
oaths of silence which reinforce the sense of elitism necessary
for the maintenance of its strict loyalty. It is automated,
organized in the mode of a computer, where all
have access to general knowledge and the most obvious
aims and goals, but where the individual is isolated by
tribal rituals and compartmentalization.
It is a technocratic organization without ideology, loyal
only to an unspoken, expedient, and undefined patriotism.
Its members are anonymous. Its funds are secret. Its operational
history is secret. Even its goals are secret. It is a
degenerative disease of the body politic which has grown
rampantly, spreading so invisibly that after nearly four decades
its existence is known only to a handful of "decision
makers."
The cryptocracy is designed to function like a machine.
It also has the feelings of a machine—none at all. But, unlike
a machine, it does have ambition. To it, human beings
are so much cheap hardware who perform certain set functions
which produce certain predetermined results. They
are valued relative to cost and efficiency. The cryptocracy
is the perfect cybernetic organism—pure logic at the planning
level—nothing but automatic response in the field.
If a prospective agent cannot be recruited by an appeal
to patriotism, he is bribed. If he cannot be bribed, he is
blackmailed. If he refuses to be blackmailed, he is "programmed."
If all these fail, he is killed, for it must not be
known that he had ever been approached—so important is
"national security."
It is sometimes hard to determine whether the cryptocracy
is working for or against the interests of the U.S.
President, to whom its constituent agencies are supposed to
be accountable. Many of its crimes, now a matter of public
record, would indicate that it has often worked against, the
President. It has, we know, worked against the U.S. Constitution
and the American people. It has needlessly caused
the death of innocent people who were working for it, just
as it has tortured and murdered those who have stood in its
way. Documented atrocities and criminal blunders have
been revealed by congressional investigations, yet no one has been brought to trial.* Little congressional, judicial, or
executive action has been taken to limit its power or ferret
out its leaders. Figureheads have been changed, but the organization
and the National Security Act which has bred this
cancer remains in essence unchanged.
The cryptocracy serves big business and spends a good
deal of time and energy supplying American corporations
with industrial intelligence. These favors, offered only to
those companies friendly to the cryptocracy, may be repaid
by such things as political campaign contributions to candidates
who are either sympathetic to or compromised by the
cryptocracy. In the past the cryptocracy has supported
both foreign and domestic politicians with such campaign
contributions.
The "old boy network" of retired cryptocrats working
within major corporations plays an important role in the
cryptocracy's international influence. Secret funds are
shunted not only from one agency of government to another,
but also from agency to corporation and then, under
cover of the corporation's legal business activities, throughout
the world, wherever expediency dictates.
Through its authorized functions, the cryptocracy controls
the United States government. It feeds the executive
branch "intelligence reports" which are often slanted and
sometimes falsified, so that the policy decisions which result
will be those which fit the cryptocracy's game plan.
Like a fifteenth century Machiavellian princedom that
has been computerized and automated, the cryptocracy has
systematically manipulated the American consciousness.
By justifying its existence by citing an exaggerated danger
from communism, it has justified its own totalitarianism by
convincing key politicians that fire must be fought with
fire. The practices of the cryptocracy, once officially sanctioned
only in operations outside the U.S., have become
internalized. Those practices have included spying, stealing,
blackmail, and murder, even within the borders of the
country it is supposed to protect and defend.
There is nothing hypocritical about the KGB's employ ment of totalitarian, police-state tactics. The Soviet equivalent
of the CIA, the KGB, is an extension of the Soviet
political system, which is totalitarian. Neither is there anything
hypocritical about the Chinese use of "brainwashing"
on American POWs in Korea. The Chinese have "brainwashed"
three and a half million of their own people,
though generally they used techniques less drastic than
starvation, sleep interruption, and isolation. But the U.S.
cryptocracy is the ultimate hypocrisy, subversive to its
own government's democratic structure. It operates with
methods which are not permitted in most democracies and
certainly not permitted by the Constitution of the United
States.
In war, a successful campaign greatly depends upon the
element of surprise. Since the beginning of human disputes,
warriors have found it desirable to keep their strengths and
weaknesses concealed.
The use of new technology has been both the strength
and the surprise which so often has determined the outcome
of war. The first elephant to be outfitted with spikes
and used in battle was as great a terror to the bow-andarrow
warrior as the atomic bomb was to the Japanese.
The cryptocracy has long known that the only way it can
maintain the upper hand in the global power game is to
stay in the vanguard of technology. To that end it has employed
all the research and development the federal government
can buy.
Since World War II the cryptocracy has used electronic
technology to manipulate foreign peoples as well as the
American people through a campaign of carefully planned
Misinformation, disinformation, and propaganda. The cryptocracy's
existence depends upon such manipulation of
Public belief. Since it cannot openly argue its cause, it relies
upon persuasion and indoctrination to accomplish its goals
and win support for its ends.
The existence of the cryptocracy also depends upon absolute
secrecy. Without it they are powerless. Thus the
cryptocracy's attempt to control information at its source—
the human mind.
It was the CIA which instigated and directed the initial
research, and with an invisible hand, kept each group of
scientists isolated from the other. Each group researching mind control was kept apart from other groups conducting
simultaneous interfacing experiments, so that no one except
the Agency would be able to put all the pieces of the puzzle
together.
Bases for mind-control techniques already existed in scientific
literature, but in a fragmented, incomplete, and unassimilated
state. The cryptocracy enlisted the aid of scientists
who then developed these fragments into usable
techniques. These scientists worked independently, each on
only one small part of the overall plan. And, by and large,
they were ignorant of the intended use of the final product
of their research.
Operation Mind Control was not the plan of a mere cult
of intelligence; it did not stop at intelligence gathering, but
went on to instigate active operations on its own. Those
conspiracies against freedom which were revealed by the
investigations into Watergate, the intelligence community,
and multinational corporations are minor compared to the
conspiracy of mind control which has developed in this
country. Although the first victims of Operation Mind Control
were, perhaps, especially suitable personality types for
such use, with the advances being made in the psychosciences
all but a few of us may eventually be victimized.
The power of mind control resides in its use as a superior
security technique; as such it is almost as foolproof as
that employed by the great Pharaoh of Egypt, who, entombed
with the slaves who carried him to his final resting
place, had those same slaves killed and buried along with
him so that all knowledge of access to the tomb would remain
secure for centuries. Mind control arranges that
"slaves" of the intelligence community—witnesses, couriers,
and assassins—are "protected" from their own memories
and guilt by amnesia. These "slaves" may be left alive,
but the knowledge they possess is buried deep within the
tombs of their own minds by techniques which can keep
the truth hidden even from those who have witnessed it. It
is the ultimate debriefing, the final security measure short
of assassination.
The conspiracy of mind control veils the secret of all
secrets. It hides the cabal which possesses its power, so
that, even if the CIA and the other intelligence agencies
were closed down tomorrow, the cryptocracy would continue
to function, for as with the Mafia, "once you are a member, you're a member for life." The power of mind
control, and ultimately of the cryptocracy that uses it, resides
with those who have culled the fruits of psychoscience
since the late 1930s; they now possess the mature
body of knowledge upon which the coercive art is built.
To review the labyrinth of events: Out of the natural fear
of technology grew an unnatural reliance on secrecy. Secrecy
led to covert control and produced a well-organized
institution of national security. Institutionalized secrecy directed
covert research and produced Operation Mind Control,
the ultimate technology of secrecy and control. The cryptocracy's search for reliable mind-control methods
was one of the most far-reaching secret projects ever
undertaken. In addition to research and development in
drugs and hypnosis, CIA funds and cryptocracy guidance
gave impetus to a number of behavior modification projects
carried out in federal prisons and mental institutions. Most
of the projects were arranged secretly so that recipients of
the funds would have no way of knowing that the CIA was
backing the research.
Even if they had known of the CIA's involvement, their
interest in behavior modification probably would not have
been dampened. Previously called conditioned reflex therapy
behavior modification, in the sixties and seventies, was
becoming the most popular tool of psycho-science since
Sigmund Freud asked his first patient to lie down on the
couch.
Behavior modification is based on conditioning, but "conditioning"
is a big word for a simple form of learning in
which a reaction is evoked by an outside action. The
reaction is called a response; the outside action is called a
stimulus.
In 1927 Pavlov won the Nobel Prize for bis discovery of
a method of making dogs salivate at the ringing of a bell.
Salivating dogs were not much good to anyone, and it was
not for making dogs drool that Pavlov was so honored. He
was honored with the world's most prestigious award for
making dogs drool on cue. He called his process "conditioning."
The dogs' involuntary response, he called a "re flex." Pavlov's discoveries provided the breakthrough
which behavioral science needed to begin to control the
human mind.
Pavlov had begun in 1906 by seeking a simple model of
the activity of the brain. He decided that the salivary reflex
in dogs could be just such a model, so he raided the dog
pound and cut holes in the animals' cheeks to implant measuring
devices for the flow of saliva.
By regularly ringing a bell just before feeding the dogs,
he found that the stimulus—the sound of the bellintrinsically
unrelated to food, began to evoke the salivation
that had initially been observed only when the dogs
were eating. His patient studies revealed that the quality,
rate, and frequency of salivation changed depending upon
the quality, rate, and frequency of the stimuli.
Pavlov's experiments with dogs have been repeated numerous
times by different scientists with the same results.
Science now agrees that when a hungry dog is given a
piece of meat immediately after a bell rings, and when this
procedure is repeated a number of times the bell alone will
produce the flow of saliva almost as if the bell and not the
meat were activating the glands. When the bell rings, not
only will a properly conditioned dog salivate but his ears
will stand up, he'll turn toward the food source, and even
make anticipatory chewing movements. Conditioned reflexes
in dogs, however, are a long way from the conditioning
of volitional thinking in humans.
But Pavlov established the groundwork by which anyone's
emotional stability (Pavlov called it "perpetual equalibration")
and sanity could be reliably balanced or unbalanced.
To that end the Soviets, and later the People's
Republic of China, employed Pavlov's new science for the
creation of the totalitarian state.
While the general public in the West may continue to
associate behavior modification with Pavlov's conditioning
of dogs, the science is actually an ancient one In its modern
form it has its roots in the works of Descartes who, in
1664, put forward the idea that every activity of an organism
is the reaction to an external stimulus. Experimental
studies to test Descartes' idea did not begin until several
centuries later. Then, simultaneously experimentation began
in a number of different countries.
At the same time Pavlov was experimenting with dogs in Russia, John B. Watson was experimenting with humans
in the United States. Watson was the founder of the behaviorist
school psychology in the 1920s. His most notorious
accomplishment was his series of experiments on an
eleven-month-old infant known to history as Little Albert.
Watson showed Little Albert a white rat and the child
reacted naturally and tried to pet and cuddle the animal.
After Albert had established a playful rapport with the rat,
Watson began to aversely condition the lad. Each time the
rat would come into Albert's view, Watson would beat the
floor with a steel bar and produce a deafening sound. Quite
naturally, whenever Albert heard the sound he would jump
with fright. Eventually Albert associated the loud sound
with the white rat and became frightened of it. Every time
the rat came into his view he would begin to cry.
Albert became so aversely conditioned to the rat that he
would exhibit fear whenever any small animal came into
his view. He became so conditioned that he reacted with
equal fear to rabbits, dogs, and a sealskin coat—in short, to
anything with fur.
Quite proudly Dr. Watson exclaimed, "Give me the
baby, and I'll make it climb and use its hands in constructing
buildings of stone or wood . . . I'll make it a thief, a
gunman or a dope fiend. The possibilities of shaping in
any direction are almost endless. Even gross differences in
anatomical structure limits are far less than you may
think . . . Make him a deaf mute, and I will still build
you a Helen Keller . . . Men are built, not born."1
Watson saw things, as Pavlov did, in physical and chemical
terms. He was not interested in anything beyond overt
and observable behavior. And Watson was only the first in
a long line of American psycho-scientists who were to take
the mechanistic path to control of the mind.
Pavlov and Watson's classical conditioning did not, however,
go far in producing a reliable science of mind-control.
In the late thirties Harvard psychologist Burrhus Frederick
Skinner discovered new principles of conditioning which allowed
more complete control.
Skinner came up with what he called operant conditioning.
It was based on the idea that reinforcement (the repetition
of either a positive or a negative response to an action)
was at the root of all learned behavior. The
distinction between classical and operant conditioning was made only because different techniques were used to elicit
the responses. In essence, the effects of either kind of conditioning
were the same.
The three most common methods of modern behavior
therapy are operant conditioning, aversion therapy, and desensitization.
Operant conditioning is the reinforcement of certain behavior
by reward (usually food), often accompanied by simultaneous
sound or light stimulation. Reinforcement is
contingent upon the occurrence of the response, and the
reinforcing mechanisms are often built into the environment.
When rats are used as subjects, the device to be operated
is a bar which, when depressed, delivers the reward
of food or water. In this situation the behavior which is
reinforced is the pressing of the bar. It makes no difference
how the bar is pressed, whether the rat presses the bar with
its paw, nose, or tail. Once the bar is pressed, the operation
has been performed and the animal is rewarded. The dependent
variable in operant conditioning is the response
rate—the number of times the bar is pressed. Response
rate, or the frequency of the response, is an important factor
in judging the success of the operant conditioning.
Aversion therapy is a technique in which an undesirable
response is inhibited by a painful or unpleasant reinforcement
such as electric shock, noxious odors, or any technique
which produces fear and avoidance. It is an ancient
form of counter-conditioning, or punishment, which has
been widely used in the treatment of homosexuality, stuttering,
and alcoholism.
In desensitization the subject is first trained to relax beyond
his normal state. He is then presented with images
which evoke mild anxiety. At first the images are very
mild, and they are repeated until the subject shows no anxiety.
Then a stronger image is introduced and the process is
repeated. Finally the subject becomes desensitized to even
the strongest image. Desensitization has been used to relieve
people of phobic fears and anxieties.
Skinner began his experiments by building a number of
boxes in which pigeons were required to run mazes and
press levers to receive the rewards of birdseed. By manipulating
the way the reward was given, Skinner found that he
could control the rate and the style of the lever pressing.
Eventually Skinner was able to get pigeons to bob and weave in prescribed ways. He was even able to get birds to
distinguish colors by having them peck only at levers of
specific colors for food. He soon learned to obtain just
about any kind of behavior he desired from a number of
different animals.
Skinner concluded that every action is determined by the
environment and that all behavior is "shaped and maintained
by its consequences." The behaviorists' mechanistic
view of man was summed up by Skinner when he said, "If
by 'machine' you simply mean any system which behaves
in an orderly way, then man and all other animals are machines."
Skinner's subsequent research, however, showed that behavior
which is supported by continuous rewards stops
when the rewards are withheld. Further experimentation
showed that by shifting from continuous to intermittent rewards,
the behavior could be kept going even though the
rewards became less frequent. This discovery made behaviorism
a practical science, for now it could explain how
behavior was maintained in the real world.
With unshakable faith in his own science, Dr. Skinner
built a large box with a glass window on one side. It was a
soundproof cage, much like the ones he'd used in experiments
with pigeons and monkeys. But this box was for children,
and into it Skinner put his own child.
This "Skinner box" was about as large as a spacious crib.
The temperature of the box was carefully controlled, and
Skinner testified proudly that "crying and fussing could always
be stopped by slightly lowering the temperature."
With the soundproof box, Skinner was "never concerned
lest the doorbell, telephone, piano, or children at play wake
the baby . . ." And, he added, "soundproofing also protects
the family from the baby."2
Apparently Skinner's scheme to produce "socialized"
children was not so successful. In the opinion of the kindergarten
teacher of Skinner's youngest daughter, who had received
the "benefits'* of spending her early childhood in her
daddy's box, she was not an obedient automaton, but
a rather independent and even rebellious child.3 Somehow
Skinner's programming of his offspring must have
failed in his own terms, for it would appear from
his writings that Skinner's ideas are quite in line with the
dreams of the cryptocrats who would seek to control us all. In his popular work Beyond Freedom and Dignity, Skinner
wrote: "The problem is to free men, not from control,
but from certain kinds of control, and it can be solved only
if our analysis takes all consequences into account. How
people feel about control . . . does not lead to useful distinctions."
Skinner is not only concerned with controlling individuals,
he desires to build a controlled society, ruled from crib
to coffin by behavior modification. "The intentional design
of a culture and the control of human behavior it implies
are essential if the human species is to continue to develop,"
he said.
Today B. F. Skinner is the center of a personality cult.
He is the guru and founder of the modern psychophilosophy
which holds that it is morally and ethically permissible
to change the behavior of others as well as to modify
others' belief. About belief Skinner writes, "People
must believe that what they are doing has some chance of
obtaining what they want or avoiding something to which
they are averse. But the chances are in the contingencies.
The relation of beliefs to other conditions, such as wants
and needs, can be easily stated: to say that desires enter
into the causation of beliefs is simply to say that the probability
of behavior with which a belief is associated depends
not only upon reinforcement but upon a state of deprivation
or aversive stimulation."4
Aversion stimulation was the process upon which the
Cold War faith was built. The Cold War faith, in turn,
loosed the cryptocracy upon the world to murder, maim,
or rape the minds of any who posed a real threat to its
goals of "defending the free world from communism."
In the words of Lewis Andrews and Marvin Karlins,
"The world is, in a sense, one large 'Skinner box' . . .'5
And if this is not already true, it soon may be, because
there are behaviorists at work in practically every federal
and state institution, as well as in the private sector.
Using federal and state institutions for testing purposes
provided many benefits to the cryptocracy. They functioned
as recruitment centers, where selected criminals
were released to the custody of career spooks who could
apply their skills in undercover work. Prisons were also
valuable testing grounds.
Philip Hilts, describing the attitude prevalent in both the cryptocracy and prison bureaucracies, wrote: "There are
three possibilities for criminals. The first is deterrent: Keep
them from doing it again. The second is punishment:
Knock the hell out of the bastards; they deserve it. The
third is treatment: They're defective; let's fix them."6 Behaviorists
who work the prison circuit hold that the last is
the only humane way of reducing recidivism. Perhaps. But
one also begins to sense in such theorizing a preview of
what is to come for the whole society.
"These behavioral engineers are growing mightily in numbers
and influence, nourished by a law-and-order administration
that though riddled by corruption itself, can still deliver
the material goods," wrote David Rorvich. "They are
not out to change the world but to make man adjust to it;
they seek results, not understanding. A thick-skinned lot
they are, not loath to admit the crudity of some of their
techniques, claiming results that would take the more elegant
psychotherapies and social reforms years to attain . . .
What the world needs now in the service of 'curing' its
deviant and miserable masses, proclaim the new psychotechnologists,
is not more prison reform, urban renewal,
and nude group gropes but a few well-placed corrective
kilovolts in the collective brain."7
The California Medical Facility at Vacaville was the
center of a number of behavioral research projects funded
by various agencies, including the Veterans Administration,
HEW, the Bureau of Prisons, private drug companies, and
others. Many of these agencies were fronting for the CIA.
In 1973, there was a "flap" in the press over the testing
of drugs by these agencies under the guise of behavior
modification. It was revealed that tranquilizers, depressants,
sedatives, narcotic antagonists, and hypnotics were
being tested in the hospitals and prisons (see Appendix B).
Dr. Leo E. Hollister, a medical investigator for the Veterans
Administration, defended the practice: "The exemplary
Medical Facility at Vacaville is one of the few places
in the country where such [drug] studies are possible . . .
at a time when the demands for such facilities are increasing,
in response to an urgent public health problem, it
would be sad to see them denied to responsible and highly
reputable clinical investigators."8
It is debatable whether you can characterize the scientists
who participated in all the projects as "responsible and highly reputable." It appears from the evidence that some
may rather have been, as Philip Hilts playfully suggests,
". . . hunchbacked wart-infested evil scientists . . ."9
Perhaps the greatest danger to freedom of thought and
behavior is posed by the breed of psycho-scientists who call
themselves "behaviorists." While most psychologists once
concerned themselves with the study of human thought and
the rich life of the mind, the behaviorists believe that man's
problems can best be understood by studying his actions.
What a man thinks, sees, feels, wants and knows—
everything that a man is, behaviorists believe, can be most
easily understood in terms of what he does.
Behaviorism would appear to be a predictable expression
of materialistic cultures, East and West, which value
externals above all else. You will seldom hear a behaviorist
speak of "will" or even "mind." These are
considered unscientific, subjective terms. Instead, the
behaviorists speak only of "reflexes" which are reinforced
by conditioning from the environment. They look
forward to the day when they can conclusively prove that
conditioning begins at the moment of conception, and that
reflexes are ultimately the very stuff of what was once
called the soul! The science of behaviorism portrays the
human being as mechanistic protoplasm. The most avantgarde
behaviorists have developed an unholy alliance with
biochemists who together are exploring genetics, hoping to
find the key for breeding selected behavioral characteristics.
Certainly a person born with all his limbs will behave
differently from a person who is born with genetic damage
and without limbs. But beyond that, what some behaviorists
are looking for is a genetic factor which controls anger,
docility, and other personality tendencies. While many new
scientific insights have come from behaviorism, so have
many new dangers—especially to the freedom of choice.
, "The day has come," said Professor James V. McConnel,
head of the Department of Mental Health Research at the
University of Michigan, "when we can combine sensory
deprivation with the use of drugs, hypnosis, and the astute
manipulation of reward and punishment to gain almost absolute
control over an individual's behavior." Dr. McConnel
expressed the sentiments of behavior modifiers who,
like cryptocrats, believe that mankind's salvation resides in the control of individual behavior in an engineered society.
But engineered by whom?
" . . . We want to reshape our society drastically,"
McConnel said, "so that all of us will be trained from birth
to want to do what society wants us to do. Today's behavioral
psychologists are the architects and engineers who are
shaping the Brave New World of Tomorrow."10
In the practical American way—stripped for action—the
psychology profession appears to be turning away from
psychotherapy and is becoming dependent upon the timeand
labor-saving practical mechanics of behavior modification
depending upon principles developed largely through
laboratory experimentation. Voluntary as well as involuntary
actions can be conditioned. Once a reflex is trained
into a subject, he becomes an automaton, responding to the
artificial stimulus to which he has been programmed.
When light shines into the pupil of the eye, it contracts,
and when the light is removed, it dilates. This pupillary
reflex is involuntary; the individual has no conscious control
over it, but it can be conditioned.
C. V. Hudgins demonstrated this by conditioning the
pupil to a bell using a light as the unconditioned stimulus.
He would turn on the light, which shone directly into the
subject's eyes at the same instant he rang a bell. The light
made the pupil contract every time just as meat made Pavlov's
dog drool.
Hudgins then taught his subjects to use their own hands
to operate the bell and light mechanisms. Then he would
say "contract" and the subject would press the switch.
When he said "relax" the subject would relax and turn off
both bell and light. After only a few hours' training, Hudgins
found that he could do away with the bell, the hand
switch, and the light. He had only to say the word "contract,"
and the pupil would contract.
A modern apologist of conditioning, Andrew Salter, asserts
that hypnosis in essence is the same as conditioning.
Salter said that after he had conditioned the reader of his
book to contract his pupil, as Hudgins had done, he would
take him to an ophthalmologist.
"Doctor," Salter would declare, "here is a splendid hypnotic
subject. I control this person so thoroughly that at my
command his pupil will contract, and perceptibly." "Come now," the doctor would say, "you know very
well that pupillary contraction is involuntary. You need
light for that."
Salter would then tell his conditioned reader "contract,"
and the reader's pupil would obey every time, and the doctor
would be perplexed.
"How do you like hypnotism?" Salter would ask the doctor.
"It's amazing," he would answer, but his interest would
diminish after Salter explained how, paralleling Pavlov and
Hudgins, the reader's pupil had been conditioned. "Well,"
he would say, "come back next time when you have some
real hypnotism."
"Our doctor is wrong," Salter said. "There, in the conditioned
reflex, he had seen the essence of hypnosis. (And
parenthetically, when we see that the essence of hypnotism is
conditioning—or quite loosely, that the essence of the 'unconscious
mind' is conditioning—we are in a strategic position
to develop a sound understanding of the deepest
wellsprings of human behavior) ."11
The cryptocracy, having discovered the wonders of hypnosis,
drugs, behavior modification, a

Later the same week Candy observed a young couple
approaching Tunney's door. She watched as the young man
took out a set of keys and went through the same trial-anderror
process that the cleaning lady had performed a few
nights earlier. Candy went into the hallway and asked the
young man what he was doing. He told her that he was
supposed to meet Tunney there. Candy informed him that
Tunney had left hours before and was not expected back
that evening. The couple hurriedly left.
The next day Candy told Tunney about the incident. He
was not alarmed nor did he even seem to be interested that
a second burglary of his office had been attempted.
One day later, in the lobby of her building, Candy ran
into a retired army general she'd known in the South Pacific.
The general had not known her well in the past, but
now he was more than courteous. He mentioned that he
was on his way to have lunch with Tunney so Candy invited
him to her office first and showed him around. Then
she brought him across the hall to Tunney. Tunney seemed
quite surprised that Candy had known the general, and,
after a brief conversation, the two men went to lunch and
Candy continued with her business.
A few days later Candy was visited by a man who introduced
himself as an FBI agent. He asked her about the
burglary of Tunney's office, and Candy told him what she
had told both Tunney and the superintendent of the building.
The FBI man then unexpectedly went over to the window
ledge and picked up a microphone Candy had obtained
from Allen Funt of "Candid Camera" fame. The
agent wanted to know what use Candy had for the microphone.
She explained that she used it to tape her models'
voices to help them develop their speech. The agent said
that he'd been looking for just such a microphone to use in
a surveillance job on Fifty-seventh Street. He asked Candy
if she would mind if he borrowed it. Flattered that she'd
been asked to help the FBI, Candy offered it for as long as
it was needed. The FBI man thanked her and left with the
microphone.
When he returned a month later, he was accompanied
by another agent. After making casual conversation for a
few minutes, the FBI men asked Candy if she would allow
them to have some of their mail delivered to her office.
There would be letters addressed to fictitious names in care of her modeling school. Some of the letters, he said, might
be mailed from Europe and addressed to her, or to a specified
fictitious man's name. If that happened she was supposed
to call a number and report the arrival of the mail.
Candy, once again flattered, said she'd be happy to help.
Two weeks after Candy took the job with the FBI, Gene
Tunney moved out of his office. The general, however,
kept in touch with her all during that year. He invited her
to several parties, and even sent her a Christmas card.
In the summer of 1960, Candy received a letter at her
apartment from the first FBI man, and the next day the
general called her at her office. Somehow he knew that she
was taking a trip to speak at the all-male Tuesday Night
Supper Club in Denver, and afterwards going on to San
Francisco to attend a fashion show. The general wondered
if, since she was going to California anyway, she would
mind carrying a letter from a government agency. He told
her the letter was to be delivered to a man who would call
at her hotel and identify himself.
Again flattered to be called upon to serve her country,
Candy agreed to act as a courier. The important letter was
hand-delivered to Candy's office a few days after the general's
phone call. There were two envelopes—a large one inside
of which were her instructions and a smaller one
which contained the actual letter. Candy carried the letter
with her to Denver, then on to San Francisco where she
waited for her contact.
Within a few days she received a call at her hotel from a
man who identified himself as Gil Jensen; it was the same
man who had been Candy's doctor in the Philippines.
Jensen invited her to dinner that evening at the Mark
Hopkins Hotel. During dinner Candy brought up the subject
of the letter, but Jensen avoided the subject, saying that
they could better talk about it at his office the next day.
Candy protested that she had to go back to New York
the next day, but Jensen would not take no for an answer.
He told her that it would be worth her while to stay on for
a few days. "There's some interesting work you could do
for the Central Intelligence Agency, Candy, without interfering
with your business."
He told her that the work could be quite lucrative and
since at that time she needed money, she decided to stay
and find out what the CIA was offering. The next day a car picked Candy up at her hotel and
drove her across the Bay Bridge to the Oakland office of
Dr. Jensen. That was the beginning of what Candy's biographer
Donald Bain (who told Candy's story in the book
The Control of Candy Jones) described as twelve years of
adventure which would eventually take her to the Far East
as a covert operative of the CIA.
"She would be harassed, badgered and even tortured."
Bain wrote. "Her role was small, a carrier of messages, and
the fact that she chose initially to perform such duties, for
pay, renders the misfortunes that befell her 'occupational
hazards.'
"What Candy hadn't bargained for, however, was becoming
a human guinea pig in a secret CIA scientific project
in which mind control was the goal.
"She was an unwilling and unknowing laboratory subject
for twelve years, and only her chance marriage saved her
from the final stage of her adventure—her own suicide as
choreographed by Dr. Gilbert Jensen."
In 1973 Candy Jones married an old friend, "Long
John" Nebel, the host of a New York all-night radio talk
show. Candy had met John in 1941, at the height of her
career, when he was working as a free-lance photographer
assigned by a magazine to photograph her. After losing
contact with each other for more than a decade, they accidentally
renewed their acquaintance and were married
twenty-eight days later.
On their wedding night, John noticed that his bride was
suddenly acting out of character. She had left the bed and
gone into the bathroom to look in the mirror. When she
returned, John said, "I saw somebody who only resembled
the woman I'd married." He stressed the word "resembled"
because, although the body which walked out of the bathroom
belonged to Candy, the being inside it did not. Her
voice was cold and distant, and her expression was cruel.
Soon the strange bitter mood passed and the warm and
loving Candy returned.
The next evening Candy's strange "mood" returned.
John naturally became curious about his wife's psychohistory
and began asking questions about her past. Candy
told him about her contact with the FBI in 1959. She also
told him that from time to time she would still have to take
little trips for the government. On June 3, 1973, John and Candy came home early in
the morning after doing one of his all-night talk shows.
Candy tried to sleep, but found that she could not. She
tossed and turned and when she complained to John of her
sleeplessness, she was near tears.
John told Candy that he'd read that hypnosis could relax
insomniacs, and although he never had tried to put anyone
into the trance state, he'd read a lot about it and he suggested
perhaps they ought to try it. Candy laughed and said, "I
can't be hypnotized, John." But a short while after John
began to hypnotize her, Candy was deeply asleep.
Although John had no way of knowing it then, Candy
was already a highly suggestible subject since she had been
hypnotized on many previous occasions by the CIA. Because
of this, whenever John sought to induce trance in
Candy, she rapidly became relaxed and was able to get a
full night's natural sleep.
One night, while under John's hypnosis, Candy suddenly
and spontaneously began to relive her childhood. During
these age regressions, she revealed many terrible incidents
in what had been, obviously, a lonely and troubled past. In
dreamlike monologues she related how her father had
abused her. Once when she was eleven he'd crushed her
fingers, one by one, in a nutcracker because she wouldn't
cry when he was about to leave.
Candy's portrayal of her mother depicted a person only
a little less cruel than her father. A calculating woman, she
often locked Candy inside a closet as a form of punishment.
In several hypnotic monologues Candy revealed how she
had developed an alter ego named Arlene to defend her
from the blows of her formative years. Later, John was to
discover that the despicable personality which he had observed
taking over his wife's consciousness on their wedding
night was the same alter ego she'd developed in her
childhood.* John Nebel began tape-recording his wife's
hypnotic monologues.
One day, while under hypnosis, Candy told John about
Working with Dr. Jensen in California. She revealed that
* Bain fails to say whether or not Candy's alter ego playmate
was a manifestation of true schizoid behavior, or if Jensen developed
a monster from a harmless childhood fantasy. Jensen worked for the CIA and she did, too, but John was
not interested in the CIA story.
John became interested, however, when his wife described
how Dr. Jensen had tried to hypnotize her. According
to Candy, when Jensen had suggested that she submit
to hypnosis and she had told him with great certainty that
she couldn't be hypnotized, he had agreed with her that
this was probably true, judging from what he knew of her
personality.
John had read that the best way to deal with a subject
who believes he cannot be hypnotized is first to agree with
him, then to proceed to demonstrate how a hypnotist might
try to induce trance. John's subsequent hypnotic sessions
with Candy verified that that was exactly what Jensen had
done. But he'd gone one step further.
According to the memories dredged up from Candy's
subconscious, Jensen had regularly given her injections of
"vitamins." John thought these might actually have been
hypnotic drugs. Although Candy had probably always been
a good hypnotic subject, narco-hypnosis provided access to
greater depths in her already pliable personality.
When John began asking Candy about Jensen in her •
conscious state he found that she could provide little information
about him. She could only recall visiting Jensen on
that first trip for the CIA. She had no memory of what had
happened in his office, nor of the events of her life which
immediately followed that visit. John began to fear that the
CIA doctor still possessed a hold over his wife's mind.
Over the course of many hypnotic sessions with Candy,
John Nebel gathered up her fragments of memory and
wove them into a picture of a satanic CIA doctor. But,
reports Donald Bain, "the major difficulty in dredging up
this material is that Candy Jones was programmed by Jensen
not to remember, and this programming proved frighteningly
effective."
John later discovered that on that first visit, Jensen had
obtained from Candy the important piece of information
that she had had an imaginary playmate named Arlene.
This single fact provided the basis for the methodical splitting
of her personality, for it was Arlene that Jensen wished
to cultivate as a courier, not Candy.
Candy's willingness to carry messages was the extent of
her conscious cooperation with the CIA. But from the first visit to Jensen's office she had become an unwitting victim
of Operation Mind Control. Jensen had her sign a security
oath which officially made her an employee of the government,
and as such she forfeited her right to legal compensation
for the harm done her by the ruthless mind-control
operation.
Jensen also placed her against a large sheet of paper and
traced her silhouette. Then he photographed her and asked
her to pick a pseudonym for a new passport. She suggested
her actual middle name, Arline.
In answer to Jensen's questions she revealed that her imaginary
playmate had spelled her name A-r-1-e-n-e. Jensen
said that he didn't care which way she spelled it and asked
her to pick a last name as well. Candy suggested the name
Grant, which was the last part of her grandmother's name,
Rosengrant and "Arlene Grant" was agreed upon. It would
be an easy name for Candy to remember since that was the
very name she had given her alter ego in childhood.
As time went on, John found that he was talking more to
Arlene than to Candy. In one session John asked Arlene if
she thought Jensen had in any way crippled her. Arlene
scornfully replied that Candy had not wanted to be programmed,
but that she "didn't know what end was up."
John asked Arlene who had developed her, and she replied,
"Mother Jensen. He hatched me like a mother hen."
Jensen had told her to come up through Candy's stomach,
she said. He'd say, "A. G.! A. G.!" and Candy would experience
a severe stomach pain before Arlene took over her
personality. When she refused to come when she was
called, Jensen would give Candy an injection, and one day
he miscalculated and gave her three injections, which put
Candy to sleep for fourteen hours. Jensen had quite a scare
because he had a difficult time reviving her.
Under John's hypnosis, Candy revealed that she had
been given a number of drugs by Jensen: possibly aminazin,
reserpine, and sulfazin, as well as the "truth drugs" sodium
amytal and sodium pentothal. She was programmed
not to allow any doctor except Jensen to treat her, and
never to allow anyone to give her thorazine, the powerful
tranquillizer.
The details of Candy's role as a mind-controlled CIA
courier were pieced together from hundreds of hours of
tapes of her hypnotic monologues. She worked for the CIA under her professional name Candy Jones, under the name
Arlene Grant, and under her given name, Jessica Wilcox.
She was first ordered to lease a post-office box at Grand
Central Station in the name of Jessica Wilcox in August of
1961. She maintained this box until 1968 or 1969 and paid
for it herself. Mail seldom arrived at the box, but when it
did Candy would take it to her office and hold it for an
unidentified man who always made the pickup, or sometimes,
a phone call would order Candy to deliver certain
letters to various locations around the city.
Slowly it began to dawn on Candy that some of the people
she was delivering mail to might be just the kind of
people who could kill her for reasons of their own. To protect
herself, she wrote a letter to her attorney and put two
copies in safe deposit boxes at different banks. The letter
stated that for reasons she couldn't disclose she often used
the names Arlene Grant, Jessica Wilcox, and Candy Jones.
She wanted to put on record the fact that these different
names all referred to her. In the event of her death, she
wrote, whether it was due to accident or sudden illness,
whether it happened in the United States or outside the
country, there should be a thorough investigation. She
wrote that although she was not at liberty to divulge her
sideline activities, she was not performing illegal, immoral,
or unpatriotic acts.
Candy holds that assumption to this day, even after
hearing her own voice under hypnosis tell tales of physical
torture, of illegal entries and exits from the country, and of
the most shocking kind of abuse at the hands of the CIA.
Candy probably still would do almost anything out of this
hypno-cultivated sense of patriotism.
Eventually John tried to get his wife to see a psychiatrist,
but she refused, saying that if she did so she would get very
sick and might even have a convulsion. Evidently Jensen
had told her this. Even talking about possible therapy gave
Candy severe stomach cramps.
Candy had been programmed so that she would not only
be protected from foreign intelligence operations, but from
everyone, the CIA included. Jensen planned to use her for
some evil design of his own.
Candy Jones was, in fact, not one, but two zombies.
Candy and Arlene, sibling rivals trapped inside the same They would talk to each other but never about each
other to anyone but Jensen. They traveled together on CIA
assignments, Candy Jones being the person who acted
within the United States, and Arlene Grant, the persona
who took over once the airplane left the country.
Usually when Candy arrived in San Francisco from New
York she would immediately go to Jensen's office. There
she would change clothes, don a black wig, and pick up her
fake passport in the name of Arlene Grant. Jensen would
call forth the Arlene personality and send her off to Southeast
Asia to deliver her messages. In his book, Donald Bain
writes that Arlene often carried an envelope, but he wonders,
wisely, if in fact there was anything in the envelope.
The possibility is strong that Candy carried her secret messages
within her mind, locked behind posthypnotic blocks
which could be released only by hearing the proper cue.
In 1966 she was sent on several missions to Taiwan,
where three businessmen were her contacts.
On her first mission to Taiwan, Arlene was met at the
airport by one of them. She immediately offered him the envelope,
but he insisted that she accompany him to his
home, which turned out to be a large and institutional-like
structure located on an impressive estate twenty miles outside
Taipei. In front of the house a long row of trees lined
the driveway which circumscribed a lush green lawn. There
were other buildings on the property some distance from
the main house.
As he escorted Arlene into the house she noticed two
Chinese women dressed in lab coats on the lawn. She asked
him who these women were, and he explained that they
were only household help. During that first three-day visit,
the man entertained Arlene royally. He took her to extravagant
dinners and on an extensive sightseeing tour of the
island.
When she returned to San Francisco, Jensen met her at
the airport and drove her back to his office. There he gave
her an intravenous injection of drugs and restored her to
the Candy Jones personality. She turned in her Arlene
Grant passport and put her black wig, dark makeup, and
clothing in a closet in Jensen's office On that trip she also
turned over to Jensen several rolls of exposed film which
she had taken on her sightseeing tour. On her return to
New York, she found her staff at the modeling agency very upset because she had forgotten to tell anyone where she
was going or how long she would be gone.
A month later, Candy was again summoned to San
Francisco. Jensen put her through the same procedure as
before, having Arlene Grant emerge and travel to Taiwan.
Again, the same man met her at the airport and took her to
his country home. Again she stayed for three days. But this
time she was not a guest but a prisoner.
Candy recalled, through John's questioning under hypnosis,
that she was hooked up to an electric box of some
kind and was shocked repeatedly on her shoulders, arms,
and breasts. The Chinese grilled her about the contents of
the envelope she'd just delivered. She protested that she did
not know anything about its contents, but that answer did
not satisfy her torturers.
When she wouldn't change her story, they turned to
questions about Dr. Jensen. Arlene maintained that she did
not know Dr. Jensen. Obstinately, she stuck to her programmed
cover story, even though she was severely and
repeatedly shocked.
Although the real event had taken place almost ten years
earlier, the physical impressions revived by reliving these
experiences under her husband's hypnosis were so strong
that her lymph system responded protectively and pumped
fluid to her skin producing blisters in the exact places
where the electrodes had been attached.
According to Candy's recollection, the torture stopped
only after the Chinese man talked with someone on the telephone.
Following his conversation he unstrapped her from
the chair and seemed most friendly and apologetic. He told
her that the electrodes had been used not to torture her but
to try and jog her memory. After lunch he drove her to the
airport and put her on a plane for San Francisco. She remembers
that on the return flight she wore gloves in order to
hide the blisters. She also recalls that her hands smelled of
sulfuric acid, although she has no recollection of having
been burned with it.
At San Francisco, Jensen met her and gave her the customary
injection after they reached his office. He told her
that the torture had been a mistake, the result of a typographical
error in the message she had carried.
In 1968 Candy was again sent to Taiwan. Normally an
individual would not knowingly and willingly place herself in a position to be tortured a second time, but Jensen's
control over Candy was so complete that she did his bidding
without the slightest hesitation.
The final trip to Taiwan brought her into contact with
other Taiwanese. She delivered her envelope, this time to a
girl in an art gallery. She remembers that after the girl took
the envelope from her, she spit in her face. Under hypnosis
Candy could not recall any reason why the girl had done
so.
After delivering the message, Arlene was picked up by
the same man and driven to his home. Again she was tortured
with electrodes and questioned about the contents of
the message she'd delivered. When she would not, or could
not, answer, her torturers put her hand in a box which contained
a scorpion. This apparently was supposed to be a
scare tactic, for when the scorpion bit her, the torturers
immediately stopped the shocks and gave her antibiotics and
administered other medical treatment.
Candy told her husband that on another occasion her
thumbnails had been cut to the quick in an attempt to
make her talk. She remembered that this had taken place
on January 24, 1968. On still another occasion, something
had been put in her ears to cause pain. But throughout all
this torture, Jensen's programming held. She said nothing.
In another hypnosis session Arlene told about getting
dizzy in a Taiwan hotel after having one drink. She began
to sweat profusely and went to a bathroom which had a
little dressing room and a bed in it. An attendant accompanied
her and took her clothes and hung them up since they
had become drenched with perspiration. She was given a
dressing gown and allowed to lie down. Eventually a doctor
came to see her. He gave her an injection and she
drifted off to sleep.
After the doctor left the room, the female attendant
came over and began to pinch her on different parts of her
body, asking her where "the papers" were. When the attendant
began to pinch Arlene's nipples, she fainted from the
pain. The woman persisted, repeatedly pulling her to a sitting
position and severely pinching her nipples.
When the woman finally left the room, Candy remembers,
she tried to crawl under the bed to hide. The doctor
came back and gave her another injection. The next day
when she awoke and dressed, she was courteously escorted to the airport by her torturers as if nothing had happened.
When she got back to Jensen's office, she reported the
incident to him. He seemed most concerned about it, but
when he asked to see her bruises, she refused to show him
her black and blue nipples.
On a number of occasions Candy was sent to the Central
Intelligence Agency's training ground called "The Farm."
Known to the outside world as Camp Peary, it appeared to
be an ordinary military installation. There Candy learned
how to search a room, and various guerrilla warfare tactics
including how to commit undetectable arson. She was
taught how to use a poison lipstick to take her own life,
and how to use the same lipstick to kill someone else by
sticking a pin inside it, then jabbing the intended victim.
She learned how to use acid as a defensive and offensive
weapon. She learned how to fire various weapons, how to
climb ropes, and how to write coded messages on her fingernails
and cover them with polish. The training at "The
Farm" was known as 3-D: "Detect, Destroy, and Demolish."
At one point Candy told her husband of an especially
outrageous incident which took place at CIA headquarters
in Langley, Virginia. She had been taken to an amphitheater
where more than two dozen CIA men were gathered to
witness a performance of Dr. Jensen's stable of zombies,
There were eight subjects scheduled for the performance
and Candy was the first.
In a deep hypnotic trance, she was made to lie naked on
a table. The table was wheeled before the CIA audience
and Candy was introduced to the group as Laura Quidnick.
She wore her Arlene wig during the entire performance.
Dr. Jensen demonstrated his complete control over the
prone, disrobed figure of Candy Jones. He lit a candle and
told his nude subject that she would not feel a thing. Then
he shoved the burning candle deep into her vagina.
Several of the witnesses tried to break through Jensen's
control, but they all failed. "Candy is perfect," Arlene told
John. "Jensen proved in Virginia how impossible it was to
break his control."
Piecing together such fragmented incidents of Candy's
secret CIA past, John Nebel discovered that his wife had
been programmed to commit suicide once she was no longer useful to the CIA. The self-destruct program was to
be activated in Nassau. She was to check into the Paradise
Beach Hotel on December 31, 1972. She'd stayed at the
hotel many times before on normal business trips, so there
was nothing unusual about that. But on this occasion Arlene
was primed to spontaneously take over Candy's body
upon receiving a phone call from Jensen. She was programmed
to walk Candy's body to a steep cliff overlooking
the sea and there to make a high dive. This was to be the
last dive of Candy Jones' life, for from that location her
body would certainly have crashed into the rocks on the
beach below.
It was extremely fortunate that Candy married John Nebel
on the very day she was supposed to check into the
hotel. The marriage, by putting off the Nassau trip, had
short-circuited Jensen's program of suicide, which was
scheduled for the same month.
But today, despite John's help in countering much of
Jensen's programming, Candy is still not completely free of
his control over her mind. Still, whenever she looks into a
mirror, she feels Arlene struggling to take over her consciousness.
Although Candy told Jensen that she was through working
for the Agency in the middle of 1972, more than six
months after she and John were married a strange phone
call was recorded on their telephone-answering machine.
The message was: "Japan Airlines calling on the 03 July at
4:10 P.M. . . . Please have Miss Grant call 759-
9100 . . . She is holding new reservation on Japan Airlines
Flight 5, for the sixth of July, Kennedy-Tokyo, with
an open on to Taipei. This is per Cynthia that we are calling.
Thank you."
A check with Japan Airlines disclosed that the number
759-9100 was indeed the reservation number for the airline.
There was, however, no record in the airline's computer
of the reservation or a record of who made it. Neither
was there a reservation clerk named Cynthia, or
anyone else at the airline by that name. The "per Cynthia"
phrase may have been a code which was supposed to trigger
Candy's automatic program, or it may have been a thin
disguise for the Agency represented by Cynthia's first and
last two letters.
Today, Candy's controlled mind and John Nebel's senseof patriotism still prevent the whole truth of the story from
emerging. For some reason John Nebel, Candy Jones, and
Donald Bain conceal the real names of Candy's programmers.
In Bain's book the name Gilbert Jensen is said to be a
pseudonym.
Another doctor, who supposedly conditioned Candy to
hate and distrust people, is given the name "Dr. Marshall
Burger" in the book, though at one point there is a footnote
stating that Nebel wondered if Burger wasn't a cover name
for the California hypnotist, Dr. William Jennings Bryan,
Bryan, as noted in an earlier chapter, was the hypnotist
and physician who offered the long-distance, instant diagnosis
that Gary Powers had been "Powerized" by the Soviets.
He was formerly a hypnotist for the air force and has
been linked to the CIA. He was also the technical consultant
for the film The Manchurian Candidate.
According to the April 22, 1969, Los Angeles Times, the
California State Board of Medical Examiners found him
guilty of "unprofessional conduct in four cases involving
sexual molesting of female patients." For this offense Bryan
was only placed on five years' probation—the lightness of
the penalty might well have been accomplished through his
connections with the CIA.
Alan W. Scheflin, an attorney who for five years has
been researching the subject of mind control for his book
The Mind Manipulators, says he has evidence which suggests
that the Nebels and Donald Bain may be concealing
the fact that the "doctor" who programmed Candy is the
same doctor who programmed Lee Harvey Oswald, James
Earl Ray, and Sirhan Beshara Sirhan.
In early 1976 Candy Jones and I both spoke on a KSAN
radio special on mind control. I was interviewed via telephone
and Candy was interviewed in the studio. We did
not meet, but KSAN provided all the participants with duplicate
tapes of the program.
On the KSAN program Candy Jones and Donald Bain
both insisted, despite my own evidence and arguments, the
testimony of Jessica Mitford, and the evidence provided by
two other investigative reporters, that Candy had been only
a human guinea pig used for experimental purposes. The
records of the CIA mind-control project clearly show, however,
that during the 1960s the cryptocracy's mind control
had gone far beyond the experimental stage. On that radio show, Candy Jones herself revealed that Sir William Stephenson
(A Man Called Intrepid) believed that she was no
guinea pig. She reported that Stephenson wrote her that as
far back as the early days of World War II he had used
zombie agents like her in the service of British Intelligence.
Shortly after the program was aired I called Nebel's office
to try and make contact with Candy or John. They had
ignored my previous letters and my calls were taken by
their producer, who tried to help me but finally had to
report that the Nebels were not interested in being interviewed.
I subsequently learned that neither would they
grant an interview to John Marks of the Center for National
Security Studies. They turned him down as flatly as
they'd turned me down.
My attempt to clarify the question of whether or not Dr.
William Jennings Bryan had anything to do with programming
Candy Jones was also frustrated by his avoidance of
me. I persisted in trying to get an interview with him until
March of 1977, when Dr. Bryan died prematurely at the
age of fifty, allegedly of a heart attack. He was a rather
flamboyant man who toured the country holding "conferences"
where he would lecture on the uses of hypnosis in
police interrogation. He died at one such conference in Las
Vegas, Nevada, only months after his name was raised in
connection with Candy Jones.
A few of the questions which beg for the Nebels' answers
are: What are the real names of the men who programmed
Candy? Why weren't they included in the book? What are
Candy's and John's personal political affiliations? Why are
they not outraged by Candy's manipulation? Why are they
attempting to protect the guilty and justify the rape of Candy's
body and mind by the "national security" rationale?
In light of Candy's disclaimer, and the Nebels' refusal to
clear up these questions, I can only ask the reader to decide
whether or not Candy Jones was a courier in a fully
operational sense, or only an experimental guinea pig, as
she still maintains.