MKULTRA was fully operational when Luis Castillo
was programmed. It was active that same decade when
events blamed on three "lone assassins" changed the course
of history.
In a well-executed, mass indoctrination campaign employing
all the honor, prestige, and power of the U.S. government,
Americans were told over and over again that the
lives of John Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Robert
Kennedy were all taken by lone assassins—men operating
without political motivation. These three assassins—Lee
Harvey Oswald, James Earl Ray, and Sirhan Sirhan—conveniently
left diaries, underlinings in various books, and
other self-incriminating clues to establish their guilt.
The evidence gathered on the assassinations remains
fragmented and incomplete. Any event of such magnitude
as political assassination is bound to invite a large number
of interpretations. While there has not as yet surfaced any
single, conclusive proof of a conspiracy, more than eighty
percent of the American public believe there was a conspiracy.
A string of circumstantial evidence, and a knowledge
of the fundamentals of mind control invites further speculation.
In each case the method was the same—death by the
bullet. In each case the circumstances were the same—
murder in a public place in view of many witnesses. All
three assassins were men whose personal histories can be
interpreted to indicate that they were mentally unstable. tEimvied eonrc aen soutghgeer.sts that all three had been hypnotized at one
But the similarity in their psychological profiles, and the
"coincidence" of each having left a trail of evidence, did
not seem suspicious to the government investigators of the
assassination. That three assassins, from three different parts
of the country, with three different ethnic backgrounds (and
three different victims in three different cities), could all
have had the same modus operandi did not seem improbable
to the investigators. Those "coincidences" did not even
warrant their notice.
A good detective would immediately have suspected that
the M.O. of each assassin was a cover laid down by a professional
hit team.
The cryptocracy which grew up after World War II was
composed of a cadre of professionals, trained during the
war. Professional intelligence agents in both the KGB and
the CIA are trained to stick to the cover story that works,
and use it as long as it does work. Even if the cover story is
blown, the agent is supposed to stick to it and, if necessary,
die with sealed lips. The "lone nut" theory—that the assassins
of King and the Kennedys had acted alone—and the
evidence planted to support that theory, stands out as a
typical professional intelligence "cover."
The modus operandi or method of a murder is the first
of two major clues detectives use to solve crimes. The second
clue is the motive.
Those who support the "lone nut" theory point to the
fact that no clear political motive could be attributed to
any of the three assassins. Yet even to a casual student of
history each of the three murders was of obvious political
benefit to the extreme right: John and Robert Kennedy
and Martin Luther King were all independent thinkers who
could not be bought off. They worked for expanded civil
rights in a manner the right wing interpreted as being
Communist, e.g., it involved government legislation of civil
rights. J. Edgar Hoover is known to have had a personal
vendetta against Dr. King, and it has been reported that he
lost no love for the Kennedy brothers. The Kennedys were
not only on the wrong side of Hoover's FBI, they were on
the wrong side of the CIA as well. JFK fired several top
intelligence officers (he asked for Allen Dulles' resignation)
and at the time of his death he was privately talking about reorganizing the entire U.S. intelligence service. Robert
Kennedy, as attorney general, was waging a tireless
campaign against organized crime. His campaign cut across
the alliance the CIA had formed with gangsters who had
lost their gambling and drug concessions in Cuba. Robert
Kennedy was a close friend of Dr. King, and one rumor persists
that the assassins had issued a dire warning that RFK
not run for president, and that King was sacrificed to show
that the group meant business. A similar threat was issued
against Ted Kennedy when he was entertaining presidential
thoughts. Robert Kennedy's knowledge of the CIA-Mafia
link and the CIA assassination teams might have been a
motive behind the motive, assuming that fanatical rightwing
operators were "contracted" for the "Executive actions"
against the three.
The obvious results of all three assassinations would indicate
that the extreme right wing, known to be widespread
in the cryptocracy, had the most to gain. By their deaths,
the civil rights movement was severely crippled, the conflict
in Vietnam escalated, and the corrupt leaders of the
cryptocracy stayed in power.
More recently a rumor has been put forth by CBS News
and others that Castro and/or the KGB were behind the
assassinations. That theory smells like more disinformation
from the cryptocracy. The motives of the Communists
seem much less clear than the motives of misguided patriotic
right-thinking Americans. The cryptocracy was in a
better position to benefit from the deaths of the three charismatic
and humanitarian leaders than were the Communists.
Following the assassination of President Kennedy, bis
successor appointed a now notorious commission to investigate
the crime. Headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, it
included Sen. John Sherman Cooper (R., Kentucky), Sen.
Richard B. Russell (D., Georgia), Rep. Hale Boggs (D.,
Louisiana), Rep. Gerald R. Ford (R., Michigan), former
CIA Director Allen Dulles, and John J. McCloy.
After nine months of deliberation, the Warren Commission
concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone, had
shot President Kennedy. Although Oswald was in turn assassinated
by Dallas thug Jack Ruby, and although Ruby's
connections with organized crime and the anti-Castro movement were well known, the Commission found no evidence
of a conspiracy.
The twenty-six volumes of evidence which made up the
commission's final report left so many questions unasked
that by December, 1976, a Harris Survey concluded that
80 percent of the U.S. population did not believe the commission's
conclusion.
From the beginning, the investigation was slanted towards
proving that Oswald was guilty and that he had
acted alone. The commission had proceeded with haste to
put to rest forever the question: Was there a conspiracy
behind the Kennedy assassination? In its haste it had overlooked
key facts and ignored witnesses who did not support
the foregone conclusion that there was no conspiracy—that
Oswald was just a "lone nut."
Throughout the Warren Commission hearings there was
conflicting testimony about Oswald. There was testimony
that Oswald did not drive a car. There was other testimony
that he did drive, and very well. Some of his acquaintances
said he was a poor shot, too poor to have accomplished the
feat of marksmanship in Dealy Plaza. Others said that he
was a fine marksman. Some said, by turns, that he was a
Communist, a pro-Castro and an anti-Castro sympathizer.
His own mother said that he performed undercover work
for the U.S. government. Out of this mass of conflicting
evidence, the Warren Commission simply took what was
needed to support its foregone conclusion, and relegated
the rest to published transcripts or to top-secret files in the
National Archives.
There were so many conflicting descriptions of Oswald
that many independent assassination investigators subsequently
concluded that there must have been at least two
Oswalds—the "real" one and an intelligence double. If,
however, one considers that Oswald might have been controlled
in the same way as Candy Jones or Luis Castillo—
split into multiple personalities—another explanation for
the conflicting descriptions of the assassin becomes credible.
He might have been an excellent shot in one zombie
state, and in another he might have been blocked so that he
could not even aim a rifle. In one state he might have had
the ability to drive a car, while in another state he might
have had a posthypnotic block so that he could not drive.
Oswald said that he didn't kill anybody. His statement was recorded in the basement of the Dallas Police Station
on the day after the assassination. Captured on film by a
local CBS film crew, Oswald told reporters, "I positively
know nothing about this situation here. I would like to
have legal representation." In answer to an inaudible question
from one reporter Oswald said, "Well, I was questioned
by a judge. However, I protested at that time that I
was not allowed legal representation during that very short
and sweet hearing. I really don't know what this situation is
about. Nobody has told me anything, except that I'm accused
of murdering a policeman. I know nothing more
than that. I do request someone to come forward to give
me legal assistance."
"Did you kill the President?" another reporter asked.
"No," Oswald answered, "I have not been charged with
that. In fact, nobody has said that to me yet. The first thing
I heard about it was when the newspaper reporters in the
hall asked me that question."
Ten years after Oswald made that statement, George
O'Toole applied a newly developed "truth detector," the
Psychological Stress Evaluator (PSE), to the soundtrack of
the film which recorded Oswald's protestation of innocence.
The PSE, unlike the polygraph, does not have to be
connected to the body to measure stress. It measures subaudible
micro-tremors in the human voice which occur whenever
an individual experiences even mild anxiety or stress.
The micro-tremors form a distinct pattern on the PSE
chart and can then be compared to stress patterns in other
parts of the statement. A deliberate lie, especially one
which involves personal jeopardy, stands out clearly from
the other stress patterns that might represent situational
stress or vague anxiety.
Oswald was in a situation of high stress that day. He had
been grilled for hours by police. He had been manhandled
and accused of killing not only a ponce officer but also the
President of the United States.
Yet the PSE analysis of Oswald's statement showed that
he exhibited far more stress when he was talking about not
being represented by a lawyer than he did when he denied
murdering the President or the police officer. George
O'Toole concluded, as have many other investigators, that
Oswald was innocent. He could not have been consciously
involved in the assassination as a fall guy—a patsy—or he would have shown stress in his answers to these key questions
on the PSE.*
But what if he had been hypno-programmed so that he
could remember nothing of his involvement in the assassination
plot? Then every lie-detector test in the world would
prove him innocent, since consciously he would believe
that he was innocent. Hypnosis is the only reliable way to
defeat a lie detector, whether it be a polygraph or the more
advanced PSE.
Among evidence concealed from the commission was a
CIA document obtained under the Freedom of Information
Act in 1976, which quoted an unidentified CIA officer reporting
to his superiors on Oswald. According to that
memo, which had been written only three days after JFK's
assassination, Agency officials had discussed interviewing
Oswald for intelligence purposes in the early 1960s. The
same document revealed that Allen Dulles had secretly
coached the CIA on how the Agency should deny having
any connection with Oswald. According to one of the
memos, Dulles strongly recommended that CIA Director
Helms deny under oath that the CIA had any material in
its files which suggested an Agency relationship with Oswald.
Later disclosures revealed that Oswald did indeed
have a CIA "201 file."
In sworn testimony before the Warren Commission in
1964, Richard Helms applied the artful deception which
came from a lifetime of CIA training; he testified that the
Agency had "never even contemplated" making any contact
with Oswald prior to the assassination. That the CIA
did make contact with him was never disclosed to the commission.
Despite the attempts of Allen Dulles to steer commission
investigators away from other information which linked Oswald had been sent to Russia as an intelligence agent persisted.
In an attempt to scotch that rumor, Dulles told the commission
that it would be impossible for anyone to prove or
disprove that Oswald had or had not been an agent or informer.
He said, astonishingly, that Oswald could have
been a CIA agent without anyone ever knowing about it!
During one meeting of the commission, Senator Russell
asked Dulles, "If Oswald never had assassinated the President,
and had been in the employ of the FBI, and somebody
had gone to the FBI, would they have denied he was
an agent?"
"Oh yes," the ex-CIA chief replied. "They would be the
first to deny it."
"Your agents would have done the same thing?" Senator
Russell asked incredulously.
"Exactly," Dulles answered.
At another juncture, John J. McCloy said that he had
received several inquiries about the Oswald-agent rumor.
He asked Dulles point blank, "What is there to this story?"
Dulles went in circles: "This is a terribly hard thing to
disprove, you know. How do you disprove a fellow was not
your agent?"
"You could disprove it, couldn't you?" Congressman
Boggs asked.
Dulles replied, simply, "No."
"So I will ask you," Boggs continued, "did you have
agents about whom you had no record whatsoever?"
"The record might not be on paper," Dulles said. "But
on paper would have been hieroglyphics that only two people
knew what they meant, and anybody outside the agency
would not know and you could say this meant the agent,
and somebody else could say it meant another agent."
The discussion then turned to U-2 pilot Francis Gary
Powers. Dulles explained that Powers was a different kind
of agent. He had signed a contract with the CIA.
Alluding to the Oswald-CIA relationship, Boggs asked
Dulles, "Let's say Powers did not have a signed contract
but was recruited by someone in CIA. The man who recruited
him would know, wouldn't he?"
"Yes," Dulles replied, "but he wouldn't tell."
"Would he tell it under oath?" Chief Justice Warren
wondered. "I wouldn't think he would tell it under oath, no,"
Dulles replied matter of factly.
"Why?" asked Warren.
"He ought not to tell it under oath," Dulles said, offering
Warren a lesson which years of legal training made him
incapable of learning: the cryptocracy operates completely
outside of the law and, because of the power of the "national
security" rationale, it operates completely above the
law.
Dulles admitted later, while responding to a question
from McCloy, that a CIA operative might not tell the truth
even to his own superior.
"What you do," Boggs indignantly said, "is you make
our problem, if this be true, utterly impossible because you
say this rumor [that Oswald was a CIA agent] can't be
dissipated under any circumstances."
"I don't think it can," Dulles admitted, "unless you believe
Mr. Hoover, and so forth and so on, which probably
most of the people will."
Hoover, of course, had written a carefully worded response
to a Commission inquiry about Oswald's FBI connections.
He denied all association between Oswald and the
FBI.
Also ignored by the Warren Commission was information
about the cryptocracy's attempts to assassinate Fidel
Castro. Dulles presumably knew about the plots which
took place during his tenure with the Agency, but he remained
mute. Richard Helms was the only CIA official on
active duty to have direct contact with the Warren Commission,
and although he provided them with information
on a number of things, he volunteered nothing about the
unsuccessful plots against Castro—plots which would have
been within the commission's "need to know" since they
showed that the cryptocracy had practical experience in assassination
planning.
Testifying before the Senate Select Committee to Study
Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities,
Helms revealed how the cryptocracy evaded and
withheld information from the Warren Commission. His
testimony illustrated the cryptocracy's contempt for the
helpless commission, the American people, and above all
the truth.
During the Church Committee's investigation of the CIA's involvement in assassinations, Senator Church asked
Helms: "Since you had knowledge of the CIA involvement
in these assassination plots against Castro, and knew it at
the time . . . I would have thought . . . that ought to
have been related to the Commission, because it does bear
on the motives, whatever else."
Helms: " . . . Mr. Allen Dulles was a member of the Warren
Commission. And the first assassination plot happened
during his time as director. What he said to the Warren
Commission about this . . . I don't know. But at least he
was sitting right there in [the commission's] deliberations
and knew about this, and I am sure that the same thought
that occurred to you must have occurred to him."
Senator Morgan: "You were charged with furnishing the
Warren Commission information from the CIA, information
that you thought was relevant?"
Helms: "No sir, I was instructed to reply to inquiries
from the Warren Commission for information from the
Agency. I was not asked to initiate any particular thing."
Morgan: ". . . In other words if you weren't asked for
it, you didn't give it?"
Helms: "That's right sir." Nevertheless, despite the denials of Dulles and Hoover,
the rumor persisted that Oswald had defected to Russia on
a clandestine mission for the CIA. Some believed he had
been uncovered by the KGB and subsequently programmed
like the Manchurian Candidate to return to the
U.S. and act as an unconscious "sleeper agent," a programmed
assassin.
Following up on this rumor, J. Lee Rankin, General
Counsel to the Warren Commission, wrote a letter to CIA
Director Helms requesting all information the CIA had on
Russian "brainwashing" capabilities.
In response, Helms claimed that there were "two major
methods of altering or controlling behavior," and the Soviets
were interested in both. He said the first was psychological
and the second was pharmacological. "The two may be
used as individual methods or for mutual reinforcement,"
Helms wrote. "For long-term control of large numbers of
tpeero.ple the former method is more promising than the lat-
"In dealing with individuals, the U.S. experience suggests the pharmacological approach (assisted by psychological
techniques) would be the only effective method."
Helms told the Warren Commission that while Soviet
drug research was extensive, it had consistently lagged
about five years behind Western research. That was an interesting
admission, for in the MKULTRA files which were
declassified over a decade later the CIA was using the Soviet
success in mind control to motivate our own scientific
program.
Helms's memorandum told the commission that the Soviets
had adopted a multidisciplinary approach to mind
control, integrating biological, social, and what he called
"physical-mathematical research" in attempts to control
human behavior in a "manner consonant with national
plans."
But while attempting to tell the Warren Commission
what the Soviets were up to, Helms was, at the same time,
revealing the cryptocracy's own intentions. His conclusions
stated that "there is no evidence that the Soviets have any
techniques or agents capable of producing particular behavioral
patterns which are not available in the West." Appended
to the memorandum (Commission Document 1113, reproduced
here as Appendix A) were several hundred pages
of reports on Soviet mind-control techniques and an extensive
bibliography on brainwashing, which for some reason
remained classified even after the main body of the memorandum
was declassified.
The question of whether Oswald had been hypnoprogrammed
was raised in another context when New Orleans
District Attorney Jim Garrison began his independent
investigations of the Kennedy assassination.
Garrison told an anxious press he was going to crack the
Kennedy case wide open: "The plain fact is that our federal
intelligence agencies are implacably determined to do
whatever is necessary to block any further inquiry into the
facts of the assassination.
"The arrogant totalitarian efforts of these federal agencies
to obstruct the discovery of the truth is a matter which
I intend to bring to light when we have finished doing the
job they should have done."
One of the central targets of Garrison's investigation was
David William Feme, who was both a hypnotist and a CIA operative. Coincidentally, Ferrie had been in a New Orleans
Civil Air Patrol group in the fifties with Lee Harvey
Oswald. One witness said that Ferrie had been the man
who had instructed Oswald in markmanship.
When New Orleans police raided Feme's apartment,
they confiscated a number of weapons, various drugs, and
three blank U.S. passports—things that any good CIA operative
would keep at his elbow. Much later researchers
realized the importance of some of the evidence obtained in
the raid—several voluminous abstracts on posthypnotic
suggestion and a library on hypnotism.
A salesman for the Equitable Life Insurance Company,
Perry Raymond Russo, told a New Orleans grand jury that
Feme's apartment had been the scene of many "parties"
where hypnosis had been used as "entertainment." One
evening, Russo said, Ferrie hypnotized a young man to
whom he apparently had a strong homosexual attraction.
Another evening, Russo said, he himself hypnotized a
young woman and made her immobile. He struck pins in
her hand and burned her arms just to demonstrate the extent
of the control he had over her.
At Russo's request, his story was tested by Garrison's
investigators. Under both sodium pentothal and hypnosis,
Russo told the identical story he had told to the grand jury.
He testified that he had been with Ferrie, a man named
Leon Oswald, and a third man named Clem Bertrand in
Feme's apartment during the summer of 1963. The three
had discussed an assassination attempt in which diversionary
tactics were to be used.
Russo quoted Ferrie as saying that "there would have to
be a minimum of three people involved. Two of the persons
would shoot diversionary shots and the third . . . shoot
the 'good' shot." Ferrie said that one of the three would
have to be the "scapegoat." He also said that Ferrie discoursed
on the "availability of exit," saying that the sacrificed
man would give the other two time to escape.
On February 23, 1967, a few days before Luis Castillo
Was arrested by the NBI in the Philippines, Garrison subpoenaed
David Ferrie. That evening George Lardner of the
Washington Post went to Feme's apartment for an interview.
Ferrie, in remarkably good spirits, told Lardner, "A
President is no better than anyone else . . . If I were killed, I'd expect my death to be investigated just as thoroughly."
Lardner left Feme at 4:00 A.M. Seven hours and forty
minutes later Ferrie was found in bed with a sheet pulled
over his head. He had been dead for several hours.
On the dining room table was a note which read in part:
"To leave this life is for me a sweet prospect. I find nothing
in it that is desirable and on the other hand, everything
that is loathsome." Fifteen empty medicine bottles Uttered
the apartment. The medicine bottles had contained a prescription
drug for a vascular disorder.
Garrison immediately jumped to the conclusion that
Ferrie had committed suicide because of the subpoena. The
autopsy, however, revealed that Ferrie had not died from
an overdose of drugs, but from a ruptured blood vessel at
the base of his brain.
Dr. Ronald A. Walsh, Louisiana State University School
of Medicine pathologist, stated in his autopsy report that
David Ferrie died of a "berry aneurysm." Several forensic
pathologists later concluded that such an aneurysm could
have been caused by a karate expert inflicting a blow to the
back of the head in such a manner that no external damage
would be discernible.
A number of Feme's friends began to fear for their lives.
One, Jack Martin, came out of hiding long enough to suggest
that Oswald had been programmed by Ferrie to go to
Dallas and kill the President. Immediately following the assassination,
Martin had reported to Assistant District
Attorney Herman S. Kohlman that Ferrie and Oswald had
been friends, and that Ferrie had instructed Oswald in the
use of a telescope sight on a rifle. But in 1963 no one followed
up on Martin's story.
Another of Feme's friends was a Reverend Raymond
Broshears, who had roomed with Ferrie three years before
Feme's death. Broshears stated in a television interview:
"David admitted being involved with the assassins. There's
no question about that."
The Warren Commission must have had some suspicions
about Ferrie, for in Volume 24, Exhibit 2038, of the Warren
Commission Report, NBC cameraman Gene Barnes is
quoted as saying, "Bob Mulholland, NBC News, Chicago,
talked in Dallas to one Fairy [sic]. . . . Fairy said that
Oswald had been under hypnosis from a man doing a mind-reading act at Ruby's 'Carousel.' Fairy was said to be
a private detective and the owner of an airplane who took
young boys on flights 'just for kicks' . . ."*
Bob Mulholland later came forward to say that he had
been misquoted by the Warren Report. What he had actually
overheard were FBI agents saying that Ferrie might
have been involved in the assassination with Oswald; he
had merely relayed that information to his reporters in
Dallas.
In any event, there was enough substance to the David
Ferrie angle to cause both the FBI and the Secret Service
to have interviewed him immediately following the assassination.
Yet there were no reports, official or otherwise, as
to the outcome of that interview.
Those not disposed to believe in conspiracies against the
American people by its own government might well ask,
"If there is a conspiracy by a cryptocracy, why wouldn't
we, by now, have proof of it? Why wouldn't there have
been at least one deathbed confession by one of the conspirators?"
Two such confessions to the JFK assassination conspiracy
may well have been made—and overlooked.

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